Archive for December, 2002

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TECHNOLOGY AND THE LAW

December 31, 2002

Orin Kerr had a really good post yesterday on the Volokh Conspiracy about technology and law. Here’s an excerpt:

In contrast, I argue, the latest technologies are constantly in flux, and the social meaning of different technologies and their regulation can vary considerably over the years (and with some technologies, over a matter of months). As a result, prospective legislative rules rather than slowly-developing judicial rules are likely to prove more effective at regulating privacy in new technologies. In fact, I argue, past judicial efforts to try to determine the social meaning of different technologies often have become outdated quite quickly.

You can also apply Orin’s logic to antitrust litigation, because market interactions are also constantly in flux. Technological change also certainly plays into that dynamic; for example, by the time the US government had dragged IBM through years and years of antitrust prosecution in the early 1980s, IBM had lost the purported monopoly that they had created. You could also argue that some of that dynamic has happened in the Microsoft case as well.

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MISCONCEPTIONS ON VENEZUELA AND OIL MARKETS

December 31, 2002

Okay, I’m breaking my self-imposed moratorium on Venezuela strike commentary to disabuse folks of some of the misconceptions that have been swirling around in the media commentary over the past few days, typified by Paul Krugman’s superficial assessment of US oil policy in his 27 December column. Krugman focuses only on a sideswipe comment about the extent to which “nobody seems to have thought about the state of oil markets if there is simultaneous turmoil in the Persian Gulf and Venezuela,” which I cannot refute as I have not been in attendance at administration meetings that may have addressed this issue. I can, however, illuminate some of the economics of world oil markets and the role of expectations in moving world prices.

1. Prices rose late and quickly because the strike has lasted longer than oil companies and traders expected. NYMEX light sweet crude prices only went above $30/barrel on 16 December, almost three weeks after the strike commenced, and only stayed above $32/barrel for four days (26-29 December). Why? Because when prices rise, buyers look for alternative suppliers, and alternative suppliers are happy to bring more oil to market (when they have capacity, which OPEC suppliers, Russia, Mexico, and West Africa all do right now) because they can get a pretty good price. So, not surprisingly, Venezuela’s export decline from 3.1 million barrels/day to 200,000 barrels/day did not have a large effect on world markets until it persisted beyond expectations. Now, OPEC members are planning to increase their production to reduce the price to their $22-28/barrel target range (see also this Financial Times article, this Reuters story, and today’s Oil Daily headlines for more on the same point).

2. Expectations of the duration and dislocation of the strike are also a function of the extent of crude supply inventories and of the dislocation of transportation. Although Venezuela’s production has halted, PDVSA claimed that they have enough inventory to meet existing contracts. Once tanker movements were blocked and tankers were not being loaded for export any more, it became clearer that those inventories would not necessarily get to customers, and prices began to rise. Today, Bloomberg Energy News reports that even though some production is coming back online, foreign tankers are unwilling to dock and fill up with oil for export. Furthermore, our existing crude inventories, held by refiners in the US and in the strategic petroleum reserve, tend to dampen price increases. And this Venezuela thing didn’t just come out of nowhere, so refiners and the US government have been amassing crude inventories. Throughout the fall US refiners built above-average inventories, according to a September report from the American Petroleum Institute, and Citgo is now requesting a release from the strategic petroleum reserve now that they have depleted their inventories and have not received their Venezuelan shipments. In a volatile and uncertain periods and markets, inventories serve as insurance.

3. It also matters how much trade occurs through long-term contracts versus the spot market. Long-term supply contracts are common in this industry, so the real economic impact of movements in spot market prices are actually quite small as long as the supplier can deliver on the contract. For example, about two weeks ago Citgo had to start buying crude on the spot market to meet their refining demand, because they had processed all of the crude in their inventory. That change in their market behavior itself contributed to the increase in spot market prices.

Note the similarity between this observation and the observed market behavior in the California electricity crisis — spot markets are inherently more volatile, so market participants have incentives to enter long-term contracts to manage and mitigate their risk. A complex web of intertemporal oil instruments and markets exist to enable that to happen, but were outlawed in California electricity.

4. Seasonality matters a lot. Right now is the seasonal lull in crude oil consumption, aided by the current slow economy, so the demand side of the crude oil market is not as strong as it will be in, say, March, when refiners want to make sure they have enough oil to produce gasoline for the spring and summer driving seasons. So if the strike looks like it will continue into February, then the interactive dynamics discussed in points 1-3 above will take into account those expectations.

So Krugman’s hyperbole seems unfounded; market participants are certainly paying attention (and I would bet that administration members are too) to the possible disruption of world oil markets. But instead of whining and carping, they are planning, to the best of their ability, to enable them to minimize the dislocation. That’s why markets are some of the most powerful and effective social institutions we have, because they enable people to plan, prepare and act on their preferences, over risk, over gasoline, and over freedom.

I could go on, but that’s enough for now. The core issues still remain — why do poor Venezuelans believe Chavez’s demagoguery? Where have all of the petrodollars flowing into the country gone? Certainly not into the pockets of the Venezuelan people, as would happen in a healthy, functioning democracy and economy. How do you get rid of a democratically elected “leader” who has abrogated his constitutional responsibilities?

Actually, in the 17th century Algernon Sidney wrote in Discourses Concerning Government that not only do citizens have a right to rebel against a repressive ruler (which was Locke’s argument), but that citizens have a responsibility to rebel. Sidney’s writings had a lot of influence on the American founders and their decision to rebel against their constitutional monarch. I’d be interested to know what the political theorists and constitutional scholars have to say about Sidney’s relevance and the responsibility to unseat a democratically elected leader who has abrogated his responsibilities. You can pretty much tell where I stand on this, but it is well beyond my professional expertise.

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HAPPPY HOLIDAYS

December 23, 2002

Happy holidays to one and all. I’m off to my in-laws in Maryland.

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BYE, JOE

December 23, 2002

RIP, JOE: Joe Strummer, lead singer of the Clash and one of the most formative musicians in my adolescence, has died of a heart attack at age 50.

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FUEL CELL VEHICLES

December 23, 2002

In case you missed it a few weeks ago, Toyota and Honda have released pilot hydrogen fuel cell vehicles for the US market. As reported in this LA Times article from 3 December (registration required), both companies will participate in leasing and research programs with universities and local governments:

The automaker is leasing each vehicle for $10,000 a month for 30 months but is supplying most of the lease money through grants. As part of the program, four hydrogen fueling stations have been opened and two more are planned by summer to link drivers of fuel-cell cars in the northern and southern parts of the state, said James Press, chief operating officer for Torrance-based Toyota Motor Sales USA.

Honda is leasing five of its four-passenger FCX fuel-cell vehicles to Los Angeles for daily use in the city fleet and on Monday presented Mayor James K. Hahn with keys to the first one. The city will pay a nominal $500 a month for each vehicle, and Honda will provide fueling services.

Analysts said the two programs should go a long way toward generating performance data that can help industry, government and the public better understand and perfect fuel-cell technology.

Last week, Tom Redburn proclaimed this achievement in the New York Times (registration required) the recent event most likely to have the longest-term impact on the economy. This claim is not hyperbole, as dramatic shifts in the fueling and energy basis for economic activity have been at the core of every fundamental shift in economic activity (industrial revolution, anyone?). But it’s not quick or immediate — both Honda and Toyota caution that mass commercialization of hydrogen fuel cell vehicles is still more than a decade away.

According to a superb project done for my Environmental Economics class this fall, there are at least three different ways of producing hydrogen, but all still require expensive inputs like platinum and do not generate a lot of energy for the cost relative to existing internal combustion/fossil fuel technologies. Pilot programs with vehicles in day-to-day use should certainly generate some valuable information for researchers.

More later on the chicken-and-egg problem of demand for vehicles and the fueling infrastructure …

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FEDERAL PRIVATIZATION AND AIR TRAFFIC CONTROL

December 23, 2002

Traveling by air this holiday season? Then you are likely to encounter off-duty air traffic controllers leafleting about the proposed federal competitive sourcing initiative, under which federal agencies will be responsible for putting some of their functions and jobs up to competitive bid. Problem is, the ATC workers and the FAA have their facts wrong about how this initiative will affect ATC, as well as misunderstanding how outsourcing and privatization are likely to be applied to air traffic control. This commentary by Reason founder Bob Poole describes the flaws in their position and the typical ways that air traffic has been privatized in countries around the world. An excerpt:

In any case, outsourcing is not the form of privatization being used in other countries that have accomplished major ATC reform. Australia, Germany, New Zealand, South Africa and more than a dozen other countries have transformed their ATC agencies into government-owned ATC corporations. Instead of being embedded in transportation bureaucracies, these corporations are independent, paid directly by airlines to provide cost-effective ATC services. And they are regulated at arm’s length by the government’s air-safety regulator. These ATC corporations have modernized more quickly than the FAA and have come to resemble commercial enterprises.

Canada and the U.K. have gone one step further. They have created quasi-private ATC corporations—Nav Canada and NATS. The former is a non-profit, with a board composed of aviation stakeholders, including controllers. The latter is part-private, part-government. Since both depend heavily on North Atlantic traffic, both took serious hits from the big declines in that market after 9/11. To survive, year-old NATS is getting an additional capital injection from both government and private owners. By contrast, since Nav Canada had already built up financial reserves over its six-year history, it’s come through the post-9/11 in pretty good shape.

These two dozen ATC corporations are what the leafleting controllers point to when they claim that “privatization has not worked in Great Britain, Canada, and Australia, and it won’t work here.” On the contrary, privatization via outsourcing of small control towers is working here. And quasi-privatization via creation of government-regulated ATC corporations has worked quite well overseas. It’s too bad the FAA is so tongue-tied when it comes to explaining these things to air travelers.

Don’t let them tell you otherwise.

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BACK AND JET LAGGED

December 20, 2002

But what fun we had! Museums and sites and sights and food and wine and shopping … on such a tromp that I did not have even a free waking moment to check my email. Now I wade back into the electricity policy …

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FATHER-DAUGHTER “ROADTRIP”!

December 13, 2002

I am at the airport, where my dad and I are awaiting a flight to Paris. He’s never been, and has wanted to go for a very long time, so I used his recent birthday-that-factors-into-the-prime-numbers 5,3,2 and 2 as an excuse for a trip! Updates as events warrant.

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FERC REFUNDS AND CA’S MARKET POWER DESIGN

December 13, 2002

FERC Judge Finds for California Refunds, But Recognizes State’s Role in Creating Market Power

On Thursday 12 November, Federal Energy Regulatory Commission administrative law judge Bruce Birchman proposed refunds that electricity suppliers should offer in redress of allegedly excessive wholesale power prices in 2000 and 2001. This decision should resolve some of the regulatory uncertainty that has been plaguing the energy industry, but outstanding issues of the causes and exercise of market power, and ongoing threats from the California government of legal challenges to FERC’s finding, could prolong the high regulatory costs of putting California’s policy failure behind us.

Judge Birchman recommended refunds to the California Independent System Operator (CAISO) and the Power Exchange (PX) totaling $1.8 billion, well short of the $8.9 billion that the state of California is agitating to receive. In part, the state of California argues that it is owed these higher refunds because it believes the “mitigated market clearing price” (MMCP) that Judge Birchman used to come up with the $1.8 billion (which he got from the California ISO) does not reflect supplier exercise of market power. Thus California officials argue that the MMCP used was too high, leading to refund estimates that are too low. In addition, the state is arguing that the Department of Water Resources (DWR), which took over wholesale power purchases once the utilities became financially insolvent in January 2001, deserves refunds. Yesterday’s recommendation does not include either of these items, although Judge Birchman did leave the door open for revising his recommendations if the ongoing FERC investigation into the exercise of market power indicates that he should reduce the MMCP that he used in his analysis.

Two interesting issues arise in considering this finding of fact. First, wholesale electricity suppliers are still owed $3.0 billion for the power they sold into the California market during the period in question, so the refund will act as an offset and reduce CAISO and PX liabilities for payment to $1.2 billion. According to this Dow Jones Newswire story from 12 December, the top ten power suppliers into the ISO and PX are still owed $1.76 billion, are liable for refunds of $875 million, and will therefore receive approximately $890 million in payments from the CAISO and the PX if Judge Birchman’s recommendation stands.

In looking at the recommended refunds, I calculated each company’s refund as a percentage of the outstanding amount owed. When you rank each company according to how much of what they are owed may have to be refunded, the top four companies are Enron, Williams, BC Hydro, and Dynegy. These four companies face recommended refunds above the average refund share, which is 49.56 percent, which is consistent with evidence that these companies may have gone beyond simply taking advantage of a flawed set of market rules. Again, though, Judge Birchman’s finding of fact is not the final word on this, as other investigations and litigation continue.

Second, California officials continue to obfuscate the sources of the market power that was allegedly (I say “allegedly” in deference to the ongoing FERC investigation) behind the high prices charged. Put simply, why should the CAISO and the PX (and, if the state has its way, DWR) receive refunds for power suppliers finding and profiting from flawed rules that policymakers and these organizations implemented? Judge Birchman’s wording in the introduction and summary of the ruling is instructive:

“The Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (Commission or FERC) found in November 2000 that the electric market structure and market rules for wholesale sales of electric energy in California were seriously flawed and that these structures and rules, in conjunction with an imbalance of supply and demand, caused unjust and unreasonable rates. [emphasis added]” (para. 41)

The existence of and ability to exercise market power is at this point pretty uncontroversial. But the core of the disagreement between the state of California and FERC is that California officials will not acknowledge, even after all of this time, that their flawed rules were the proximate source of the market power. Judge Birchman’s statement, quoted above, acknowledges that culpability.

California’s policy failure and flawed rules created manipulation opportunities by creating market power for suppliers. As many observers (including myself) have said elsewhere, the state-mandated bifurcated PX/ISO structure gave suppliers market power on a silver platter, so is it fair to hold suppliers liable for exercising that market power when they allegedly did not engage in any behavior to create that market power? The distinction between exercising market power and creating market power is crucial, and this distinction is precisely what California officials are trying to obfuscate, because their rules primarily created the market power.

The flawed rules also created enough risk to stymie investment, reinforced by the existence of $250 wholesale price caps after 1999. In an environment of regulatory uncertainty, which California was during the late 1990s and continues to be to this day, power companies would need to expect a return on investment that incorporates a risk premium, and it took demand rising until close to supply capacity to generate the expected return on investment that would repay investors for building power plants to serve California. Add to that the artificially inelastic demand that results from the persistence of retail price caps, and yet again evidence indicates that government policy at least contributed to, or at worst created, the problem of the imbalance of supply and demand.

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ACCESS TO WATER IN CALIFORNIA

December 13, 2002

Reason’s Director of Natural Resource Policy, Michael DeAlessi, has been following the impending water crisis in California, and has written this commentary in the San Diego Union Tribune.

Background: water property rights in the West follow the “first in time, first in use” rights structure, which is very different from the riparian rights (your water rights adjoin your property line) typical in the East. Southern California’s cities are at the end of that time-chain of property right settlement, which was not a big deal as long as there was enough Colorado River water to go around. But with population growth in Phoenix and other Southwest cities, they are starting to exercise their “first in time, first in use” water rights, which means that Southern California cities are facing potentially serious water shortages. A deal between farmers and cities for farmers to sell water recently fell through, as described in news articles here, here, and here.

According to this story, the parties may renew talks this coming weekend, in the hopes of reaching an agreement in the three weeks before the federal government enforces the decreased Colorado River water flow to California.

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