Archive for November, 2008

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Attorneys general, not attorney generals

November 19, 2008

Lynne Kiesling

All of this Eric Holder gossip today unfortunately creates an opportunity for me to pick a grammatical nit: the plural of “attorney general” is “attorneys general”, not “attorney generals”. The “general” in “attorney general” is an adjective that modifies the noun “attorney”. The plural attaches to the noun, not the adjective.

Bet you didn’t know that I was such a grammar weenie … unless you’re the KP Spouse, my friend Amy, or my long-suffering students whose writing I grade!

On a more substantive note, Eric Holder as Attorney General bodes poorly for both civil rights and a more reasonable legal approach to drug policy. This Reason post and its links make that argument from a libertarian perspective, as well as from John Nichols at The Nation.

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Zone pricing ban coming to New York, will the results affirm policymakers’ hopes or economists’ analyses?

November 19, 2008

Michael Giberson

New York is about to find out whether zone pricing in gasoline markets is as bad for consumers as some people believe. Zone pricing is “a gasoline industry practice of selling the same brands and grades of fuel to retail sellers at different prices depending on the ‘price zone’ in which the retail seller is located.” (Link) In effect, gasoline wholesalers charge a higher wholesale price to retailers when the wholesaler thinks that the retailer’s consumers would pay a higher retail price. Zone pricing is an example of what economists call price discrimination.

Typically it is more affluent consumers who live in “zones” that face higher wholesale prices, so anti-zone pricing legislation is essentially consumer protection for affluent customers unwilling to spend their time shopping around for lower prices. (Of course affluent people are people too! Their opportunity costs of shopping for lower prices are actually on average higher than the opportunity costs faced by poorer people. Is that any reason they should be stuck paying higher prices? Zone pricing: Unfair to rich people!)

At least it is consumer protection if it actually results in lower prices for the more affluent zones. Here the hopes and dreams of some policymakers appear to come into conflict with the results of economic analysis.

  • Experimental economics work by Cary Deck and Bart Wilson, published this year in the Journal of Economic Behavior & Organization, finds that zone price bans tended to result in higher wholesale prices in what would otherwise be lower wholesale-price zones, but without leading to lower prices in the less competitive, high cost zones.
  • In a review of literature on “Retail Policies and Competition in the Gasoline Industry“, UC-Berkeley economists Severin Borenstein and Jim Bushnell suggest that zone pricing will lead to higher prices for some consumers and lower prices to others, overall “it is unclear whether it benefits or harms consumers.” They point out that price discrimination can lead to overall net benefits to consumers even if some consumers are paying higher prices.
  • A review of zone pricing by the Federal Trade Commission found the effects on consumers to be “ambiguous.” In 2007, the FTC told Connecticut that a bill similar to the new New York law would likely harm consumers because it would reduce incentives to supply gasoline in under served areas.
  • An article by Christopher Ball, Mark Gius, and Matthew Rafferty, in Regulation magazine, relied upon a earlier version of the Deck and Wilson research to estimate that with the Connecticut policy under consideration in 2007 “the average price at the pump increases and the burden of the increase falls disproportionately on those with the lowest incomes.” The Connecticut legislature did not pass the bill.

But this year New York, with legislators presumably having access to all of these reports, chose to prohibit zone pricing. The bill, S175B (search for it here), was justified by its sponsor as follows:

Zone pricing is a marketing technique currently used by petroleum companies. The company determines geographical price zones based on the demographics of a certain area. For example, if one area typically is more affluent than another, the tank wagon price, in other words, the price per gallon determined by the wholesaler, at which gasoline is offered for sale to the retailers may be slightly higher in that area, than an area where the clientele is primarily a working class neighborhood. Because the petroleum companies increase the amount charged to the service station dealers for the gasoline in those designated zones, this cost is then passed on to the consumers. Thus, the result of zone pricing is higher prices at the pump for individuals who are assumed to be able to pay more. This legislation would prohibit this discriminatory pricing policy.

The law was signed by Governor Paterson on September 25, and will go into effect on November 26, 2008. So far as I can tell, Connecticut hasn’t passed a comparable measure. A fairly clear test of the effects of a zone pricing ban is now in the works. Soon we should see whether, relative to what happens in nearby Connecticut, prices in affluent New York zones fall down to the prices in poorer New York areas, or whether prices in poorer zones tend to rise toward those in more affluent zones.

The bill’s sponsor in the State Senate, Jim Alesi, is from Rochester-suburb Perinton, New York, a locality of higher incomes and lower poverty than most of the Rochester area. But it is out in the much-wealthier-on-average-by-a-long-shot Hamptons, at the east end of Long Island, where folks are most fervently joining in the hopes and dreams of lower prices.

East Enders have been living with gas prices as much as 25 cents to 50 cents higher compared with prices at points further west. When the law restricting zone pricing goes into effect, Hamptons residents can expect to see that margin narrow to somewhere closer to five cents.

Economic analysis suggests that instead, poorer New Yorkers will end up paying a little more in what will turn out to be a mostly futile attempt at providing consumer protection for “East Enders” and other more affluent residents of the state. Margins will narrow, but not in a way that benefits consumers overall in New York.

I predict another victory for the dismal science. Let’s check back in a few months.

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Can politicians “fix up the country”?

November 18, 2008

Lynne Kiesling

In yesterday’s meeting in Chicago between President-elect Obama and Senator McCain, Mr. Obama said that they were going to discuss how to “work together to fix up the country”. This language really rankles me. It also rankles Russ Roberts, whose comments on this remark reflect my dislike of the “fix the country” metaphor:

Yep. The country is like a house. It just needs a new coat of paint, some piering done in the basement and some dry wall replaced. This is the biggest fantasy of politics, that the country is broken or damaged and we just need to get a different contractor in charge of the project who knows more about how to do renovations. It is a dangerous metaphor and an inaccurate one. It ignores the fundamental insight of economics that there are no solutions only trade-offs. It presumes, impossibly, that we share goals as a people when in fact, virtually every government policy benefits one group at the expense of another.

I actually think Russ is being a little generous. Not only is this “fix the country” metaphor dangerous and inaccurate; it can also reflect the extent to which politicians have the hubris to believe that they can control and manage outcomes. We are living with that hubris on a daily basis right now.

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A shift to inconspicuous consumption

November 18, 2008

Lynne Kiesling

Even those unaffected by this economic downturn are changing their consumption behavior, a pattern seen in prior economic downturns. This New York Times article by Alex Williams gives some details on the forms that these adjustments are taking among the wealthy:

“The era of conspicuous consumption, at least for the foreseeable future, has come to a close,” said Paco Underhill, the author of “Why We Buy,” which explores the science of retail. “Consumption will still happen. It’s just not going to be as public.”

He cited a story from an Audi dealer: a buyer of an S4 high-performance sedan requested the nameplate be removed, “so only the person who really knew what they were looking at,” he said, “would know what it is.”

Today, bejeweled fashionistas are pegged as tone-deaf Marie Antoinettes. “It’s not good taste in our business to walk into a party loaded with the biggest diamonds you can find,” said Bud Konheim, the chief executive of Nicole Miller. “You don’t brag about paying $10,000 for a dress for a party. The feeling now is, so what are you telling us? You’re either a sucker or showing off when people have lost jobs.”

The article then discusses the change in consumption behavior after September 11, 2001, and also mentions J.P. Morgan’s decision to keep his yacht in the boatyard in 1932. [As an aside, if you haven't read Ron Chernow's House of Morgan, I recommend it highly, particularly given the current events in the financial industry.]

Outward austerity will now be in fashion, even for the fashionable.

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Global deflation?

November 18, 2008

Lynne Kiesling

Not being a macroeconomist I have little insight to contribute, but I do find October’s 2.8% decline in the producer price index quite remarkable. Not only is this the largest decline on record, it is also larger than had been forecast for October.

And, as the Bloomberg article linked above notes, the UK also experienced the largest decline in their inflation rate in 11 years.

This is certainly an economy that is hunkering down.

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“Exxon is a cash machine, and they could be using that cash to …”

November 17, 2008

Michael Giberson

An excellent look at ExxonMobil in the Sunday New York Times. The article makes a strong case for the view that ExxonMobil is one of the best run large international corporations in the world.

The article observes that the company has reacted to recent record profits by, among other things, increasing dividends and engaging in stock buy-backs. Some company critics argue that the company should be keeping more of this cash and investing in alternative fuels or other clean energy projects. For instance:

“Exxon is a cash machine, and they could be using that cash to invest in clean technologies that would expand their base,” said Andy Stevenson, an energy analyst at the Natural Resources Defense Council. “Right now, they have no growth story. They are trapped in oil and gas.”

Stevenson must share in the high opinion of Exxon’s management, else why would he want the company investing billions in clean energy research? In effect Stevenson is saying that he wants Exxon to develop intellectual property in clean energy, and he trusts the company to put that knowledge to good use once acquired.

Now I don’t know anything about Stevenson, nor have I been following the relationship between the Natural Resources Defense Council and ExxonMobil. Instead, I just sort of assume that the relationship is one of mutual suspicion and maybe outright hostility. So Stevenson’s apparent trust in the company suggests a changing outlook.

If one was an environmentalist who was suspicious of oil giants, the preferred approach would probably be that the old oil company liquidate itself and allow its investors to choose how and where to invest in clean energy directly.

Which is exactly the approach Exxon is slowly taking.

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Auto bailout: there’s a better way

November 16, 2008

Lynne Kiesling

For the past 30 years the U.S. auto industry has been like your alcoholic Uncle Bob: his self-destructive habits seem beneficial to him, despite the harm they cause him and the pain they inflict on his family and friends. You want to help him, but don’t know the best way to do so, and you know that if you confront him he will deny it and become angry and violent. You know deep down that Uncle Bob is a drunk bully, but the thought of a confrontation is so painful that you stay quiet and follow a strategy of conflict avoidance. Plus you know that the only way his health will improve is if he is the one who realizes that his habits are self-destructive and that he wants to change. At some point, the issue comes to a head, and the question becomes whether or not you have the courage to tell him what he needs to hear, for his own good and for the good of those who love him.

The issue coming to a head right now is that the U.S. auto industry has been unhealthy for decades. Chrysler’s 1979 bailout did not change that. The Big Three cannot compete with Asian and European manufacturers, particularly in the production of high-quality, reasonably-priced, fuel-efficient cars, because their labor costs eat all of the possible margins (GM and Ford manufacture such cars for sale in Europe, so it’s not a design problem). We have known this for three decades, and have followed a strategy of conflict avoidance.

In Saturday’s Wall Street Journal, David Yermack wrote a brilliant article: Just Say No to Detroit. His argument is peppered with extremely disturbing facts:

  • GM and Ford are two companies that made the most money-losing investments in the 1980s; between them they “destroyed $110 billion in capital” in the decade, according to an analysis from the careful and renowned economist Michael Jensen.
  • Over the most recent decade, “the capital destruction by GM has been breathtaking,” $182 billion, and Yermack estimates that the aggregate capital investment in GM and Ford since 1980 has let to a net reduction in capital of $465 billion.
  • This is what I find particularly disturbing: with that $465 billion, “GM and Ford could have closed their own facilities and acquired all of the shares of Honda, Toyota, Nissan, and Volkswagen.”
  • “When a company makes money-losing investments, the cost falls upon all of society.” This observation means that we have already reduced our future economic well-being by $465 billion by his calculations, due to the persistence of these firms and their poor business decisions.

Yermack makes other important observations, including one that is crucial for policymakers to remember: if any or all of the Big Three were to declare bankruptcy, that decision would not destroy the physical assets and physical capital of the industry, but would instead free it up to be purchased by others and to be redeployed in a more productive way.

But what about the human cost? I share Will Wilkinson’s and Megan McArdle’s combination of sympathy with people in changing circumstances and expectations that can create hardship, but also with the painful reality that none of us — none of us — has any guarantees in this world. That includes job guarantees. And in this case, a bailout would mean job guarantees for now, at a great cost to everyone else, because it would mean the perpetuation of the extremely flawed business practices of the U.S. auto industry as a whole.

As much as it pains me to cite politicians favorably, I think that Senators Shelby and Kyl put it well in this Wall Street Journal article from today:

Sens. Richard Shelby of Alabama and Jon Kyl of Arizona said it would be a mistake to use any of the Wall Street rescue money to prop up the automakers. They said an auto bailout would only postpone the industry’s demise.

“Companies fail every day and others take their place. I think this is a road we should not go down,” said Sen. Shelby, the senior Republican on the Senate Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs Committee.

“They’re not building the right products,” he said. “They’ve got good workers but I don’t believe they’ve got good management. They don’t innovate. They’re a dinosaur in a sense.”

Added Sen. Kyl, the Senate’s second-ranking Republican: “Just giving them $25 billion doesn’t change anything. It just puts off for six months or so the day of reckoning.”

What’s the alternative? Let the firms fail. Use bailout money to provide unemployment assistance, education grants, and relocation grants to individuals who lose their jobs. In the long term, not only is that approach more compassionate, honest, and courageous, it’s also cheaper than perpetuating the uncompetitive business models in this domestic industry that has shown a colossally abysmal inability to adapt to changing market conditions. As Will said in the post linked above, “There is no justice, and great harm, in diminishing the whole array of future opportunity to save a few people now from a regrettable fate.” I hope we have the courage to take the bottle from Uncle Bob and tell him that we are doing it for his, and our, long-run health.

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Crowdsourcing can produce new ideas, but run them by legal first…

November 14, 2008

Chris Masse at Midas Oracle links to “How Companies Are Using IT To Spot Innovative Ideas,” an article at Information Week. Among the examples cited:

…Starbucks uses the same voting platform, at MyStarbucksIdea.com, and took an online suggestion posted Oct. 7 by BillMac to offer a free cup of coffee Nov. 4 to anyone in the United States who voted.

As it turned out, at least in some jurisdictions it is illegal to offer inducements to vote and Starbucks decided to offer a free cup of coffee to anyone who asked for one on Election Day.

Here’s the Georgia state law:

“Any person who gives or receives, or offers to give or receive, or participates in the giving or receiving of money or gifts for the purpose of registering as a voter, voting, or voting for a particular candidate in any primary or election shall be guilty of a felony.” [Via the Christian Science Monitor.]

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Pop Sci debunking recycling myths

November 14, 2008

Lynne Kiesling

Opinions and analyses on recycling abound, from “it reduces our resource use and conserves landfill capacity” to “processing recycling uses more energy than not, and is therefore wasteful and inefficient”. Of course there’s some truth in these opposing views, and a case-by-case analysis is usually necessary to determine, on balance, the net effect of recycling.

Here’s a nice little Popular Science article that discusses five of these “recycling myths”. It provides a concise summary of some of the energy and economics aspects of recycling.

Thanks to Glenn Reynolds for the link, I think … it’s been a long week!

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The first battery in the country capable of storing wind energy?

November 14, 2008

Michael Giberson

From the Star-Tribune in Minnesota, “Xcel looks to harness wind energy for use even when there’s no wind “:

Next spring Xcel Energy Inc., the state of Minnesota and a Virginia-based technology firm will test the first battery in the country capable of storing wind energy.

Well, that’s a bit wrong. Any battery is capable of storing wind energy. I can store wind energy on my laptop battery if I happened to be plugged into an outlet at a time when local wind power projects are producing. The problem isn’t storing electrical energy per se, but doing it economically.

When it is fully charged, the massive sodium-sulfur battery — which weighs about 80 tons — can store 7.2 megawatt-hours of electricity. That’s enough to power 500 homes for about seven hours. It will cost more than $5.4 million to buy and install the battery and analyze its performance. …

Xcel, which invested $3.6 million in the project, expects the battery “to become very important to both us and our customers,” [Xcel Chairman and CEO Dick ] Kelly said.

The article doesn’t say where the other $1.8 million is coming from, but the subtitle notes, “the project … also includes the state and a tech firm,” so maybe it is partly state tax dollars and partly entrepreneurial investment.

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