Archive for June 8th, 2009

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What does Waxman-Markey have to say about kites?

June 8, 2009

Michael Giberson

The answer to the title question is “nothing,” according to Marc Gunther (though he admits of the difficulty of being certain when the bill is 932 pages and still in process). The kind of kites he has in mind are high-altitude solar power collectors, under development by the Makani Power company. That Waxman-Markey has nothing to say on kites is a good thing, says Gunther, since no one knows whether the idea is practical or likely to become economical.

Gunther then contrasts that silence to the many mentions of coal, cars, battery technology, financial services, wood stoves, and so on, and stumbles onto the conclusion that it all adds up to a heavy-handed attempt to manage the energy economy via central government industrial policy.

After quoting the bill’s elaborate conditions for coal plants to gain federal assistance for carbon capture and storage, and terms by which the plant’s could lose access to federal assistance, which may or may not be under an accelerated timetable, and for which the EPA might or might not grant extensions to particular non-complying generators, Gunther observes:

This is the kind of thing that worries me about Waxman-Markey in particular and about the willingness of the Obama administration more generally to manage so much of the economy—energy, autos, financial services. It’s hard, nay, impossible to know if CCS is a smart, workable and affordable technology or when, if ever, it should be deployed. Maybe kites are a better idea. Maybe not. But should the government decide?

It’s not just clean coal. As I wrote last week, Obama & Co. are ready to place bets on which companies and regions are likely to develop battery technology for electric cars.

[...more quotes on geothermal heat pumps and wood pellet stoves...]

Do you see the problem here? Just to be clear, I don’t have a position on biomass stoves and geothermal heat pumps. I just don’t think the government should have a position either.

To be sure, we need an energy revolution. … But how do we get from here to there? With clean coal? Electric-car batteries? Heat pumps? Wood stoves? Kites?

The unfortunate answer is no one knows. Not the president, not Congress, not Nobel laureate and energy secretary Chu, not venture capitalists or energy company CEOS or Fred Krupp or Jeff Immelt or Joe Romm. Our energy and climate problems are knowledge problems, too. And the best way to solve knowledge problems – which is to say the best way to spur technology change – is to create conditions that get lots of scientists and engineers to work on them, invite lots of investors to place their bets on which ones will work and then test those ideas in the marketplace. By aggregating thousands of decisions, markets will help us figure out which of today’s technologies or which ones yet to be invented get us closer to the clean energy economy we need.

Did you notice the felicitous phrase embedded twice in that last paragraph, “knowledge problems”?

[Via the Energy Collective.]

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Stay in school

June 8, 2009

Michael Giberson

A few years ago I attended a free concert in the park in Arlington, Virginia by The Grandsons. Between songs lead guitarist Alan MacEwen observed that the bass player had a gig in Atlantic City, New Jersey the night before and had barely arrived at the park moments before the concert was to begin. The bass player – I don’t recall who it was at the time – offered an explanation that ran something like this:

I haven’t actually had any sleep yet, so I hope I can keep up. But it was a lot of fun to play with [name of band leader since forgotten]. Actually we played the early show at [casino name forgotten], we opened for [band name forgotten] and were done by 10:30 or so last night. But [other person's name] and I decided to gamble, and had a few drinks. Then we met [members of some other band] and drank some more and gambled some more. This continued until we got hungry, and went for breakfast. It was light outside and I said, “Hey, I’ve got to be back in Virginia by noon,” so we grabbed some food and hopped in the car and drove like madmen down I-95. And [musicians name] was in the back feeling sick, and I’m saying to hold it in because I got to get back to Virginia, and …

At this point the bass player stops the story and looks out at the crowd. It is a sunny Sunday afternoon, a few clouds in an otherwise bright blue sky. Families have picnic blankets spread out. Kids are frolicking.

He blinks a few times, and then sums up:

So, kids, remember: [with emphasis] stay in school, take your vitamins, and always listen to your parents!

Okay, so I wasn’t taking notes, the story might not be exactly as depicted. Given the bass player’s demeanor that day, I’m not sure his account was reliable in the first place. But I remembered the moral of the story.

I was reminded of the episode by Derek Thompson’s post at the Atlantic Business Channel, Go to college, in which he makes his point by reference to unemployment statistics.

Probably a better argument, even if less memorable.

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Waxman-Markey is really a command-and-control energy bill? No, say it ain’t so!

June 8, 2009

Lynne Kiesling

While we’re on a carbon note … [sarcasm] yeah, I’m shocked, really, totally shocked that, as Virginia Postrel notes, the 946-page Waxman-Markey House energy bill proposal is really a piece of command-and-control legislation.[/sarcasm]

The WaPost notes that the “cap-and-trade” bill sponsored by Henry Waxman and Edward Markey is, in fact, loaded with all sorts of direct federal regulation of a decidedly dictatorial command-and-control nature.

Virginia goes on to point out the most disturbing thing, which is the idea that provisions are being inserted into the bill with the expectation that most members of Congress will not read what they are going to vote on. And this Washington Post article provides some more details on how much lobbying and special interest money is being directed at modifying, crafting, and word-smithing the bill to ensure that the economic effects go to those interests who expend resources to develop political capital:

But as the legislation’s chances improve, corporations, environmentalists and other interest groups have worked to put their imprint on the bill. The Center for Public Integrity said its review of Senate disclosure records showed that more than 880 businesses and interest groups have registered to lobby on climate change in the first quarter of 2009 — up more than 14 percent over the same time last year.

The groups include coal companies, investment banks, wind and solar firms, state governments, auditing firms and technology companies that might be part of the proposed trading system for carbon. An item inserted at the behest of Rep. John D. Dingell (D-Mich.) would give the auto industry $1.4 billion worth of extra allowances starting in 2012 when the cap-and-trade system takes effect, according to an estimate by the Union of Concerned Scientists.

[sarcasm]Yeah, I feel really confident in political processes. I’m sure that this political process will serve the interests of science, economic efficiency, and the environment. And I feel really, really well-represented in this process.[/sarcasm]

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The economic and environmental value of forests

June 8, 2009

Lynne Kiesling

The New York Times has an interesting article on how the growth of carbon markets enables us to quantify the environmental value of forests.

The researchers found that paying to conserve the forest was more valuable than plantations as long as poorer nations could earn $10 to $33 for each metric ton of CO2 saved. Currently a credit representing a metric ton of CO2 sells for about $20 in the European Union, which has the world’s largest greenhouse gas trading system.

In addition, the researchers found that peat forest areas, where stored carbon is most abundant and thus cheapest to manage, contained almost twice the mammal species density as other areas of forest.

Of course, anyone who has followed the development and the membership of the Chicago Climate Exchange will not be surprised by that finding; note the number of forestry members of the CCX. The CCX also illustrates the value of having private parties come together voluntarily to determine mutually beneficial use rights in the common-pool resource that is the climate system, even without a bureaucratically-determined cap.

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