Archive for July 17th, 2009

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Power consumers in ERCOT should keep an eye on PUCT rulemaking project 34577

July 17, 2009

Michael Giberson

Earlier in July, the Public Utility Commission of Texas issued a proposed amendment to its CREZ regulations (the regulations governing the building of transmission to better support development of renewable energy in Texas). The main focus of the proposal is to refine and clarify the process by which the Commission ensures sufficient renewable energy development will take place to justify construction of the planned transmission lines.

A secondary purpose is to revise a section of the regulations addressing the concerns of renewable energy developers that too much wind power development will occur, overwhelming the capability of the transmission system. Consumers should keep an eye on this part of the proposal.

Some developers have been advocating some sort of priority system under which, when transmission-capability is constrained, the newer projects get curtailed first. That sort of system would help discourage overinvestment in a region.

The problem with that kind of rule from an efficiency standpoint is that it isn’t obvious that the older projects are likely to be the most efficient (and likely the opposite is the case). In any case, the forthcoming nodal market design is designed from the ground up to address just this kind of problem using prices.  Wind farm operators that don’t want to be curtailed just need to offer power at a low enough price to ensure their offer is lower than the competition.  When there is “too much” wind power, prices may go very low (or even negative when wind power production is subsidized).

Of course, wind power operators don’t like rationing the excess by price, because that means the price sometimes will go very low. They would rather have a rule to curtail their competition without having to cut prices. Consumers, on the other hand, benefit when suppliers have to compete through cutting prices.

The proposed amendment looks good from the consumers point of view. The regulation was initially written in a way that suggested the commission should discourage ‘excess’ interconnection and curtail some suppliers by non-price methods.  The proposal would change the language to first have the commission assess whether market prices do an adequate job of managing congestion – which the new nodal market design should do – and then. if the commission finds that the market isn’t doing an adequate job, the commission may initiate a proceeding and may consider limiting interconnection or non-price priority methods.

Wind power developers do face a real problem coordinating investments in renewable power capacity with the buildout of transmission capability. Since wind power developers are simultaneously and independently making investment plans, it is possible that too many will pursue options in location A and too few in location B, just because they are acting like competitive companies should act (i.e., non-collusively).

But enough information about what competitors are up to is available through public documents at ERCOT or the PUCT that companies can avoid getting into too much difficulty, as long as they do there due diligence work diligently.  Once the investments are made, and especially if these investments are made with taxpayer subsidies or electric consumer fee support, consumers should have every expectation that renewable power producers compete in the market just like everyone else is suppose to.

If the price goes negative, that is just the power consumers’ way of getting some of the tax subsidy back.

NOTE: The PUCT rulemaking project number is 34577.

Documents in the proceeding can be found via the PUCT Interchange site – click the login button, enter 34577 as the control number, and press “Search Now.”

HT to the Caprock Plains Wind Energy Association blog.

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John Cleese’s Wine for the Confused

July 17, 2009

Lynne Kiesling

Feel a bit adrift when confronted with the dizzying complexity of wine? Then John Cleese’s Wine for the Confused may help, and may make you laugh along the way.

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Informal networks as social insurance

July 17, 2009

Lynne Kiesling

Nancy Folbre has an interesting post about informal safety networks on the New York Times Economix blog. She observes that during economic downturns, those in need of assistance can avail themselves of either formal public assistance or informal assistance through family, friends, and social networks. This coexistence of public and private has been with us for centuries. One point she made that I found particularly insightful is that the composition of families and networks have changed in ways that have changed the extent to which the unfortunate can avail themselves of private, informal assistance:

But today, more than 30 percent of American households are nonfamily households (people living alone or with unrelated people), compared with 10 percent in 1940, the first year the Census collected this information. Many of these households are cohabiting couples who share expenses, but are not legally required to help support one another. And many live a long distance from their families of origin.

Family households have also changed: In 1950, 88 percent included married couples; by 2007, only 75 percent. Many more parents, especially mothers, are raising children on their own.

She does then, however, go on to say that “Participation in voluntary associations — a popular measure of “social capital” related to reciprocity — declined sharply during the Great Depression.” She could be incorrect in the direction of causality, thought, and it is entirely possible, indeed likely, that the New Deal government programs of the 1930s crowded out such voluntary associations.

Folbre does discuss crowding out in the current context, but she makes an observation that I find puzzling:

Crowding out has some positive effects. It reduces demands on family members who may be struggling economically themselves and makes it easier for them to provide the personal and emotional support that public assistance can’t provide. But policy makers should look for ways to make formal and informal safety nets strengthen one another, a topic I’ll explore next week.

Here’s my question: how do you know that spending government money on public assistance is a better use of resources than having the voluntary, mutual, shared bond bear the responsibility, despite the demands on those who may also be struggling economically? For that to be true requires two things: it requires that the net effect of the taxpayer transfer is positive (i.e., the benefit to the recipient is greater than the loss to taxpayers), and that the reduction in pressure on informal networks is larger than the taxpayer transfer. I’m not convinced that’s true, and I’m also sure that no one working on welfare policy takes into account that calculation, let alone making some estimate of the calculation.

And that doesn’t even take into account the moral hazard aspects of the problem (the incentive that public assistance gives people to engage in less job search effort than they would otherwise).

I look forward to hearing her ideas for how formal public assistance and informal private networks can reinforce each other — can be complements instead of (imperfect) substitutes.

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