Archive for August, 2009

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Will V2G prove profitable to PHEV owners?

August 21, 2009

Michael Giberson

When I read someone suggesting that “vehicle-to-grid” (V2G) operations will make money for owners of plug-in hybrid vehicles (PHEV), I wonder how carefully they’ve thought through all the implications.*  The analyst might assume a particular battery technology and characteristics, for example, and then run a simulation against market data to see how much value can be produced in energy arbitrage.

V2G energy arbitrage requires a real-time rate (or at least a variable rate of some sort), and the profit depends on the round-trip efficiency of the battery system and the difference in peak and off-peak prices.  In the simplest case, the consumer uses the stored power to offset her own consumption at peak and isn’t selling power back to the grid (avoiding the related transaction costs).

I see two related problems with the modeling approach.  First, it may be reasonable to assume historic differences between peak and off-peak prices if few PHEV will engage in arbitrage, but even modest penetration of the market will add enough storage capability to start equalizing prices.  The more dramatic peak locational prices are driven by transmission constraints and the cost of starting up high-cost peak power plants, and it just wouldn’t take much in the way of PHEV storage to reduce or avoid many transmission constraints.   A good estimation should include consideration of the elasticity of supply and demand in order to assess the degree to which arbitrage will tend to reduce arbitrage opportunities.

Second, when battery technology advances sufficient to make PHEV economical, won’t have battery technology also have advanced enough to make grid-dedicated battery storage applications economical too?  A PHEV battery will be optimized for vehicle operations, with energy arbitrage sort of an afterthought, while grid-dedicated batteries will obviously be optimized for providing grid services.  And PHEV technology is the much harder problem because of the size and weight constraints.  By comparison, grid-dedicated energy story is easy.  Is it likely that V2G can out-arbitrage grid dedicated devices?

(Yes, V2G-based arbitrage has one big advantage if you assume that the cost of the energy storage device is fully justified by transportation, and is in effect freely available while parked to engage in some energy day-trading.  Maybe this consideration saves V2G.  But dedicated grid-storage devices are available 24/7, while PHEV will have competing uses.)

Some V2G analysis also proposes that PHEV supply high value grid services like reserves, frequency control, voltage support, and so on.  I think the same considerations apply. If there are thousands of little PHEV energy storage devices connected to the grid supplying these services at very little additional cost to the owners, then the price will fall.  If PHEV devices can provide these services at low cost, then dedicated grid-connected devices should be cheaper.

In short, some of these PHEV V2G value calculations are at best numbers for the early movers.  Once everybody is doing it, it won’t pay to do it anymore.

*Of course I could actually read the more serious reports on V2G** and see for myself how carefully they’ve thought through all the implications, but it is late Friday afternoon and with classes beginning next week I have a million other things to do.

**Actually, I was just reading a new working paper from the CMU Carnegie Mellon Electricity Industry Center, but since the paper was prominently stamped “DRAFT: Do Not Cite Or Quote” on every page, I am not citing or quoting it.  Technically speaking, it doesn’t say “Do Not Link To The Abstract.”

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Volatile prices decrease consumer satisfaction with Texas competitive retail suppliers

August 20, 2009

Michael Giberson

From a press release by J.D. Power and Associates:

Wide fluctuations in electricity prices during the past year have led to a decrease in overall customer satisfaction with residential retail electric providers in Texas, according to the J.D. Power and Associates 2009 Texas Residential Retail Electric Provider Customer Satisfaction Study released today.

The study, now in its second year, measures customer satisfaction with retail electric providers in Texas by examining four key factors (listed in order of importance): pricing; billing and payment; communications; and customer service. According to the Public Utility Commission of Texas, 45 percent of 5.5 million eligible Texas residential customers were served by competitive retail electric providers by the end of 2008.

See ratings for 15 electric retailers here.

One thing that kind of lept out at me when scanning the ratings: retailers associated with former regulated utilities in Texas appear to have the worst overall ratings.

Here are the worst rated companies and the former electric utility that the retailer is or was affiliated with.

Lowest, with a 2 out of 5 overall rating, is CPL Retail Energy (from the former Central Power and Light, once part of AEP) and First Choice Power (affiliated with the Texas-New Mexico Power Company). Scoring 3 out of 5 were TXU Energy (TXU of course), Reliant Energy (formerly with CenterPoint Energy, Inc.), GEXA Energy (non utility*), and Direct Energy (also affiliated with CPL and West Texas Utilities, previously part of AEP in Texas). (*GEXA was purchased by FPL in 2005, a Florida-based energy company affiliated with regulated utility Florida Power & Light, but GEXA is not affiliated with former Texas regulated utilities.)

Eight companies were rated 4 out of 5, and just StarTex Power achieved a 5 out of 5 rating. So far as I can tell – by visiting company websites, Wikipedia, Yahoo Financial, and other online resources – none of these top nine companies are affiliates or former affiliates of the pre-restructuring electric utilities in Texas.

Just to review, that is 5 companies that were or are affiliated with the pre-restructuring regulated electric utilities in the state, and all 5 are rated 2 or 3 out of 5 possible in overall satisfaction. A total of 10 companies do not have direct affiliations with the legacy Texas electric utilities, and 9 of the 10 are rated either 4 or 5 out of 5 possible in overall satisfaction.

Coincidence?

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More on bicycle prices in Portland…

August 19, 2009

Michael Giberson

from Robin Goldstein, after he observed “an unexpectedly spirited and … fascinating debate” in response to his earlier post (commented upon here at KP, but also many other places, including Freakonomics).

He wrote, “Many have written to corroborate my claim that used bikes are unusually expensive in Portland, while many others have disputed it…”, and continued with reflections on consumers, bike quality and prices, brand names, and whether or not he has “strayed from Economics 101.”

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Don’t follow the Swedish health care model; follow the Swedish retail electricity model

August 19, 2009

Lynne Kiesling

I am enjoying my Stockholm visit very much, despite the sticker shock while shopping and dining. The discussions at the Mont Pelerin Society meeting are interesting and thought-provoking, including quite a bit of discussion of the incentive problems, and the moral/ethical problems, of the “Swedish welfare state” model. The Swedish model of health care is also a current topic of debate in the context of the U.S. health care debate. Taxpayer-funded health care is certainly prone to incentive problems, moral hazard and adverse selection, and crowding out of otherwise beneficial private health care provision. I can’t recommend the Swedish health care model for U.S. adoption.

However, I can recommend the Swedish electricity model. While not perfect, for sure, it is far more competitive and dynamic than we have in the U.S. (except for Texas). Particularly with respect to retail competition, Swedish policy incorporates the perspective that competition is a better regulator than an administrative regulatory agency can ever be.

Swedish residential customers can choose their retail electricity supplier. The Swedish residents I’ve talked to this week tell me that they have certain features that are important for retail competition:

  • Information and research are easy: competing firms provide information about their various products and services online, making it easy to compare across products and for an individual to evaluate which products and services are most likely to meet his or her satisfaction
  • Change is easy: Individual consumers can choose a provider and service online, submit personal information securely online, and view and agree to a contract online; the contract is processed within days
  • Rivalry and product differentiation: The low retail entry barriers mean that customers have many differentiated products from which to choose, particularly a variety of time-differentiated products

The transmission and distribution/wires service quality and price are still regulated, and the customer bill reflects a payment for wires access and the transportation of the electricity commodity from generators to consumers. Note also that Sweden participates in what is arguably the most efficient and healthy wholesale power market in the world — the NordPool. Swedish generators participate in a robust wholesale market, and generators outside of Sweden can profit by selling to Swedish customers.

Thus the Swedish electricity model has many valuable and commendable features that the U.S. model lacks. Individual customers are free to choose in robust, rivalrous retail markets. Those retail suppliers are free to offer a variety of different products and services. They are also free to buy electricity in a robust, rivalrous regional wholesale electricity market. These chains of voluntary transactions accomplish something in Sweden that we fail to accomplish in the U.S. — they integrate wholesale and retail markets to communicate individual consumer preferences through the electricity value chain. Individual preferences are not stifled in Sweden as they are in the U.S. The systemic consequences: better capacity utilization, higher resource optimization and energy efficiency, and high reliability and service quality.

We should not adopt the Swedish health care model, but we should certainly learn from and incorporate the competition-based institutional design choices in Swedish retail electricity markets.

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I still don’t know why I’d want to be on Facebook

August 18, 2009

Michael Giberson

But after my wife joined Facebook, and my children were on Facebook, and, you know, about 300 million other people … well, obviously all the cool kids were doing it.

Chris Masse celebrates my tentative steps further into the information age by offering  etiquette advice and linking to recommendations to get the most out of Facebook.

No doubt someday soon I will be posting “I still don’t know why I’d want to be on Twitter.” (But before I do, I will read this manifesto.)

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A customer’s view of National Grid’s smart meter roll out

August 18, 2009

Michael Giberson

From the Wind Power Law Blog in New York, Clifford Rohde takes a break from wind power law to report on his shift to National Grid’s time-of-use rates, a move that required the utility to install a “smart meter.” (He chronicled the first part of this effort in April, shortly after mailing in his request.)

Four months later:

Well it finally happened August 12 … On that date, National Grid appears to have installed a new “smart meter” on my house. (I say “appears” only because no one told me it was going to be installed; I found out only because I received a signed agreement from National Grid in the mail and went and checked the meter.)

… I note that as a consumer I do find it frustrating that I am not aware -yet at least- of any way to obtain usage information other than by going outside my house and looking at the meter. This analog solution to a seemingly digital issue seems a bit archaic.

His time-of-use rate will shift back to a flat “off-season” rate at the end of the month, and then he’ll have a few months to prepare for the winter peak.  Rohde promises updates.

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Gasoline price gouging after Hurricane Ike in South Carolina

August 17, 2009

Michael Giberson

In June, the South Carolina’s Office of the Attorney General issued a report on post-Hurricane Ike price gouging. The brief report is worth a look if you have an interest in price gouging laws.

Over 4,300 price gouging complaints were received by the SC attorney general’s office in the post-Hurricane Ike period. Lots of investigating eventually yielded just three retailers and one supplier that appeared to be offering gasoline at prices “out of line with general market prices and … potentially unconscionable” during the time the state’s price gouging law was activated, September 12 – October 12, 2008. In settlements the retailers each agreed to pay $500 and the supplier agreed to pay $5000 to a Red Cross fund for hurricane relief.

The report makes a general case for a supply and demand explanation of the price jump in the state. Gasoline supplies were already constrained due to the effects of Hurricane Gustav. Two major pipelines were offline or operating at reduced capacity. As Hurricane Ike approach, consumers rushed to fill up their gas tanks, causing a temporary spike in demand. The South Carolina law apparently accommodates market responses and the state only targeted companies that raised prices “out of line with general market prices.”

The report indicated that, “although there initially appeared to be significant price gouging, retailers’ markups were actually much less severe than they were with Hurricane Katrina in 2005.” The report concluded:

While there is no single reason that retail price spikes were less significant with Hurricane Ike, conversations with stations owners indicated a variety of factors: the already-high price of gas, fear of alienating customers, and heightened awareness of the state’s price gouging law, including the results the Attorney General obtained in 2005.

The report offered some interesting notes on the diversity of retail station actions during the supply disruptions:

Some stations went to great lengths to obtain fuel, with at least one South Carolina station trucking fuel from as far away as Virginia. Numerous South Carolina retailers purchased from North Carolina and Georgia in their scramble to find supply. Some stations and wholesalers in the Upstate and Midlands which always purchased gas from pipeline terminals had logistical hurdles in purchasing gas from unfamiliar port terminals such as Charleston. At the same time, a number of other station owners reported that to avoid bad publicity they simply shut their doors instead of purchasing gasoline at elevated prices.

Some station owners “simply shut their doors”?  So wait a minute, the state law allows the state government to harass gasoline retailers that remain open and offer high prices, but station owners can simply refuse to sell gasoline at any price – an action which makes consumers worse off – and the state can’t touch them?

Now I wonder about the claim that markups were less severe than with Hurricane Katrina, or rather, wonder whether consumers were actually better off or worse off due to the state law.  If many stations shut their doors in 2008 due the state’s anti-price gouging law, then the law is making consumers worse off.

Once again, Matt Zwolinski’s arguments on the ethics of price gouging seem relevant, and particular his non-worseness claim.  To wit, if you agree that a retailer could ethically refuse to sell a product during an emergency, say by closing shop, then since no one is worse off if the retailer remains open but offers products at a high price, it should not be seen as unethical for a retailer to remain open and offer products at a high price.  (See earlier discussion of Zwolinski and his non-worseness claim.)

ASIDE: Personally, I’m not much of a fan of using the threat of state legal action to generate donations to charity. Sure, as a business-owner under such a threat, I can see the value of paying $500 to charity rather than several times that to my attorney to fight off state action. But if, and it is a big if, if these station owners actually did something harmful to consumers in their area, those consumers are not compensated by these gifts. (Particularly so since the three stations were in the middle and western portions of the state, while hurricane relief money spent by the Red Cross will likely benefit people who live nearer the coast.)

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Cash for clunkers, economics of

August 17, 2009

Michael Giberson

Christopher Knittel, at UC-Davis, has run some numbers on the “Cash for Clunkers” program and concludes that it is an expensive way to reduce carbon dioxide emissions:

The Cash for Clunker program aims to stimulate the economy, provide relief for automobile manufacturers and reduce greenhouse gas emissions. In this research note, I present estimates of the implied cost of carbon dioxide reductions under the Cash for Clunker program. The estimates suggest that the program is an expensive way to reduce greenhouse gases. This is true under a wide range of assumptions regarding the increase in fuel economy of new vehicles purchased under the program, how long the clunkers would have been on the road if not for the program, and whether we account for reductions in criteria pollutants. Conservative estimates of the implied carbon cost exceed $365 per ton; best case scenario parameter values suggest a cost of carbon of $237 per ton.

HT to Keith Johnson at the WSJ’s Environmental Capital, who adds that the government estimates Waxman-Markey to reduce carbon dioxide for only $28 per ton. Knittel acknowledges that the Cash for Clunkers program was intended both as a stimulus program and an environmental program, and he limits his attention solely to analysis of the environmental program.

Robert Hahn, back in the early 1990s, analyzed some early “cash for clunkers” efforts in California and concluded that a program targeted to high-pollution areas could produce net benefits. (Published as “An Economic Analysis of Scrappage,” Rand Journal of Economics, 1995.) Key parts of the analysis, Hahn says, are assumptions about the remaining life of retired vehicles – are you avoiding four years of future clunker-emissions or just two? – and the stringency and effectiveness of existing automobile inspection and maintenance programs, which may already be capturing the ‘low hanging fruit’ (i.e., forcing repair or scrappage of high-emitting vehicles that would otherwise enjoy a long life).

UPDATE: For the interested reader, Political Calculations offers a Cash-for-clunkers tool by which you can calculate how long it would take for taxpayers to obtain environmental benefits equal to program costs, and if you don’t like their assumptions you can easily substitute your own.

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Peters: The Impact of FERC Orders on the Value of Bidders in PJM

August 14, 2009

Michael Giberson

Lon Peters has an article, “The Impact of FERC Orders on the Value of Bidders in PJM,” in the August/September 2009 edition of the Electricity Journal that tries to assess the effects of regulatory actions on the market value of publicly traded companies participating in the PJM wholesale power market. The analytical approach taken should help reveal whether the regulatory actions were interpreted in the stock market as increasing or decreasing the profitability of the companies in PJM, and can help determine whether the decisions made were “good” or “bad,” at least by that metric.

It is an interesting exercise. Most of the time the closest thing to an assessment of the effect of a regulation comes in the form of complaints filed after the fact.  Maybe an editorial will show up in the trade press.  The “event study” approach offers the possibility of a somewhat objective assessment of the effect of a regulatory change on the profitability of companies involved.  Of course company profitability is not the primary gauge of the correctness of a regulatory policy, but changes in company value can provide some insight into the consequences of a policy.

One big finding in his analysis is that the initial FERC order granting PJM provisional RTO status, but conditioning that grant on PJM’s integration into a joint Northeastern RTO with the NYISO and ISO-NE, caused a distinct fall in the value of bidders in the PJM market.  On the other hand, a subsequent order that removed the integration requirement and granted PJM full RTO status caused a distinct increase in the value of bidders.  Of eight other FERC orders studied, only one also showed a distinct, reliable event response, an order which allowed PJM to institute a market for “regulation service” (also termed “automatic generation control service”, it is a service some generators provide to help the transmission system operate reliably).

The problem is I don’t trust the analysis.

First, his analysis compares the returns earned by a set of 19 electric power suppliers to market returns as measured by the S&P index.  So any outside influences that tend to affect electric power suppliers differently than the rest of the S&P companies, and happened at about the same time, would get counted as part of the effects of the regulatory action.  For example, a change in the price of natural gas would likely be more important to electric generation companies than to the market as a whole.  For this kind of analysis, it would likely be better to compare electric supply companies participating in PJM to electric supply companies not involved in PJM.  With a better set of “controls”, the event study would be more discriminating.

Second, the 19 companies included in his sample were based in part on sales of generation services in PJM during 2005.  Because PJM grew significantly between 2000 and 2005, not every one of the 19 companies was a PJM market participant during most of the 10 events studied (including the three events identified as showing statistically reliable effects).  For example, from the list of 19, Allegheny Energy joined in 2002, AEP and Dayton Power & Light joined PJM in 2004, and Duquesne didn’t join until 2005.  Much of FirstEnergy’s assets remain in the Midwest ISO markets even today, though the company is seeking to consolidate operations within PJM beginning in 2011.  None of these companies were heavily involved in PJM’s markets in 2001, during the first of the three regulatory events cited as showing a significant effect.  Of these companies, only Allegheny Energy was part of PJM in 2002, during the other two of the three regulatory events cited.  Cleaning up the list of affected companies would also improve the analysis.

I liked the article despite these problems, because it takes a new and potentially useful approach to assessing the impact of regulatory changes.  Obviously there is more work to be done.

Besides cleaning up the problems mentioned, the approach could be expanded to include companies on the consumption side of the PJM market.  This will be harder, because while some companies specialize in supplying electric power, few companies on the demand side are similarly specialized.  That is to say, most of a power consumer’s market value will be determined in some other market, and power markets are relatively minor.  However, measuring the supply side and demand side of the market at the same time can help the analyst discriminate between policy actions which appear increase overall efficiency (both producers and consumers see profitability increased) and policy actions which enhance market power (which increase producer profitability at the consumers expense).  A one sided analysis will have a hard time telling the difference.

The regulation market event is particularly interesting, because regulation markets have proven hard to design well. (In any case, such markets have been subjected to numerous tweakings in various RTO markets.)  It may be possible to refine the study in this case by examining the generation portfolios of the companies supplying the market.  Not all generators are equally capable of providing cost-effective regulation service – typically hydropower and natural gas generators are good, but not coal or nuclear plants.  Since the generating companies in PJM have diverse generation portfolios, the relevant regulatory approval should have had differing effects on the companies’ market valuations.

Given that these policies and market designs have significant effects on a multi-billion dollar industry, sometimes the basis for decisions is surprisingly thin.  Insights gained from theory, statistical analysis, experimental economics, studies of other markets and so on, all can help build understanding of what works. I hope that Peters or other analysts will continue this approach to understanding FERC regulatory policy and especially RTO market design.

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Used cars, used bikes; Phoenix, Seattle

August 14, 2009

Michael Giberson

Robin Goldstein tried buying a used bike in Portland, Oregon, found them to be pricey, and it led him to do a little data collecting.  He tells the story in a post at Blind Taste, but just to jump forward to his numbers:

From each of these cities I collected an extremely basic data set: the asking prices for the 50 most recent cars/trucks and bikes advertised [on Craigslist]. I excluded children’s bikes, frame-only bikes, and non-working bikes; I excluded non-working cars and cars that were being sold for parts. I also excluded obvious dealer spam from each. Then, I looked at the medians. Here’s what happened:

Median price, first 50 items for sale on Craigslist, 8pm PDT, 8/13/09

Metro Area Cars/Trucks Bicycles
Phoenix $5,600 $120
Miami $4,800 $150
Austin $4,700 $168
New York City $4,700 $200
SF Bay Area $4,500 $240
Portland $4,500 $240
Seattle $3,500 $250

… what struck me about this informal little analysis was that not one city fell out of line in the inverse order. Where cars were selling for the most, bikes were selling for the least; where cars were selling for the least, bikes were selling for the most; and so on, inversely, in between.

Perhaps there is a seasonal component here.  It may be that in the winter, demand for bicycles falls in Seattle and Portland, and rises in Phoenix and Miami.

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