Archive for March 31st, 2010

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Crude oil prices in 2008: Was the spike a bubble?

March 31, 2010

Michael Giberson

In the physical world, spikes and bubbles are quite different things that don’t generally get mistaken for one another.  Curiously, in economic metaphor, the same phenomena can be called a spike and a bubble.  Argument among economists continues on the issue of whether the oil price spike in 2008 was or wasn’t a bubble.

A few weeks ago Paul Krugman dismissed the idea that the 2008 run up in oil prices was a bubble, and suggested that high oil prices “are largely caused by fundamentals.” In a May 2008 op-ed Krugman also argued against the bubble claim, claiming that if speculators were to  blame there would be tell-tale signs like the accumulation of excess inventories.

Amy Myers Jaffe responded at the Baker Energy Institute Forum blog:

The problem with Krugman’s logic is that he was in factual error. Oil inventories were indeed increasing as prices were going up, and by a large amount, especially if you add in what we in the industry call “oil at sea” which refers to a build up of the number of large tankers of oil floating offshore or slow steaming to markets that lack sufficient demand for that supply.

Right around the time that Krugman declared that there was no oil bubble, Energy Intelligence Group was reporting that oil inventories in the industrialized countries had risen by 1.2 million barrels per day in April 2008, which put them well above the five-year average. In a telling sign of how limited on-land oil-storage space was at the time, Iran had to commission ten very large crude oil carriers (VLCCs) to hold its unsold oil afloat off its coast, a practice not seen since 1989, when oil prices were collapsing.

The problem with Jaffe’s response is that it ignores long established oil industry patterns. High prices or low prices, the industry tends to build inventory in the first four months of the year and draw down those inventories during the next five or six months. (For example: U.S. Energy Information Administration on oil stocks: “World oil stocks follow a seasonal pattern in which they are typically drawn down rapidly in the middle of the winter and re-built rapidly in the spring…”)

Jaffe needs inventories to accumulate in excess of normal industry practices to sustain her argument.  Her claim that inventories in April 2008 were “well above the five-year average” is ambiguous; was April 2008 inventory above the five-year average for that time of year or just above the average level for every month of the previous five years?  It makes a difference because it is ordinary for April to have higher inventories than any other month, and only relevant to the case if April 2008 was extraordinarily high.

I don’t have the Energy Intelligence Group data at hand, and I don’t find other world inventory data readily available.  U.S. inventory data from the EIA shows the typical pattern of inventory accumulation in the spring and draw down over the summer.  Early 2008 does show slightly higher inventories (less than 2% higher) relative to the average inventory for the same week of the year over the prior five years.  On the other hand, early 2008 also showed slightly lower inventories (less than 2% lower) relative to the average inventory for the same week of the year over the prior 20 years.  The inventory build up in early 2008 doesn’t seem so far off typical industry practices to justify bubble claims.

Admittedly, crude oil inventory is the U.S. is only a part of a bigger picture. If you have better data to share, I’d be interested.

The Iran anecdote that Jaffe tossed into here story seems to be the result of temporary and idiosyncratic conditions, so probably not revealing on the larger issue.  On May 2, 2008, Bloomberg reported:

Iran, OPEC’s second-largest oil producer, more than doubled the amount stored in tankers idling in the Persian Gulf, sending ship prices higher as demand for some of its crude fell, people familiar with the situation said….

While oil rose to a record $119.93 a barrel on April 28, Iran has a glut of its sulfur-rich crude as refineries that can process the fuel shut down for maintenance. The discount on Iranian Heavy crude compared with Oman and Dubai petroleum has more than doubled since the start of the year, according to data compiled by Bloomberg.

“There’s not much demand for heavier crudes such as those from Iran,” said Anthony Nunan, assistant general manager for risk management at Mitsubishi Corp. in Tokyo. “It’s the peak of the refinery maintenance season in Asia, and Iran also sells oil to Europe and the Mediterranean, where some refineries are having turnarounds,” or seasonal shutdowns for repairs, he said.

I’m not claiming Krugman is right; I generally don’t read Krugman and particularly don’t rely on his opinions on energy market issues. I’m also not claiming that Jaffe is wrong.  What I am claiming is that Jaffe simply doesn’t offer sufficient backing for her argument.

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God and mammon both teach fairness

March 31, 2010

Michael Giberson

In a study encompassing several distinct populations, Joseph Henrich and collaborators conclude that both participation in markets and belief in a world religion promote fairness norms that facilitate emergence of large-scale societies.  The study was described in a recent issue of The Economist:

For the evolutionarily minded, the existence of fairness is a puzzle. What biological advantage accrues to those who behave in a trusting and co-operative way with unrelated individuals? And when those encounters are one-off events with strangers it is even harder to explain why humans do not choose to behave selfishly. The standard answer is that people are born with an innate social psychology that is calibrated to the lives of their ancestors in the small-scale societies of the Palaeolithic. Fairness, in other words, is an evolutionary hangover from a time when most human relationships were with relatives with whom one shared a genetic interest and who it was generally, therefore, pointless to cheat.

The problem with this idea is that the concept of fairness varies a lot, depending on which society it happens to come from—something that does not sit well with the idea that it is an evolved psychological tool. Another suggestion, then, is that fairness is a social construct that emerged recently in response to cultural changes such as the development of trade. It may also, some suggest, be bound up with the rise of organised religion.

Joseph Henrich at the University of British Columbia and his colleagues wanted to test these conflicting hypotheses. They reasoned that if notions of fairness are, indeed, calibrated to the Palaeolithic, then any variation from place to place should be random. If such notions are cultural artefacts, though, they will vary systematically with some aspect of society….

The results back a cultural explanation of fairness—or, at least, of the variable levels of fairness found in different societies. … People living in communities that lack market integration display relatively little concern with fairness or with punishing unfairness in transactions. Notions of fairness increase steadily as societies achieve greater market integration. People from better-integrated societies are also more likely to punish those who do not play fair, even when this is costly to themselves….

Dr Henrich also, however, found that the sense of fairness in a society was linked to the degree of its participation in a world religion. Participation in such religion led to offers in the dictator game that were up to 10 percentage points higher than those of non-participants.

World religions such as Christianity, with their moral codes, their omniscient, judgmental gods and their beliefs in heaven and hell, might indeed be expected to enforce notions of fairness on their participants, so this observation makes sense. From an economic point of view, therefore, such judgmental religions are actually a progressive force. That might explain why many societies that have embraced them have been so successful, and thus why such beliefs become world religions in the first place.

So there you have it: both belief in world religions and participation in markets seem to be associated with fairness.

The Henrich et al. study was published as “Markets, Religion, Community Size, and the Evolution of Fairness and Punishment,” Science (March 19, 2010).  As summarized in the abstract:

Large-scale societies in which strangers regularly engage in mutually beneficial transactions are puzzling. The evolutionary mechanisms associated with kinship and reciprocity, which underpin much of primate sociality, do not readily extend to large unrelated groups. Theory suggests that the evolution of such societies may have required norms and institutions that sustain fairness in ephemeral exchanges. If that is true, then engagement in larger-scale institutions, such as markets and world religions, should be associated with greater fairness, and larger communities should punish unfairness more. Using three behavioral experiments administered across 15 diverse populations, we show that market integration (measured as the percentage of purchased calories) positively covaries with fairness while community size positively covaries with punishment. Participation in a world religion is associated with fairness, although not across all measures. These results suggest that modern prosociality is not solely the product of an innate psychology, but also reflects norms and institutions that have emerged over the course of human history.

If you have questions about how the study was conducted, how they measured market integration and fairness, etc., check out the extensive supplemental information also posted at the Science website.

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