Archive for August, 2011

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The unsustainable Fair Trade business model

August 12, 2011

Michael Giberson

Colleen Haight examines the past and present of Fair Trade-certified coffee and wonders whether it has a future in “The Problem with Fair Trade Coffee,” published at the Stanford Social Innovation Review. The title probably should have been “Problems,” plural, as more than one problem gets explored in the article.

I’ve argued in the past here at Knowledge Problem that producing quality coffee that consumers are willing to pay extra for will do more for farmer income in the long run than Fair Trade certification. It turns out that quality concerns are among the problems faced by Fair Trade, for more than one reason.

Here is one quality problem: some coffee buyers are willing to pay a premium for high quality coffee that is greater than the Fair Trade premium, and that means better quality coffee is moving out of the Fair Trade distribution channel. Haight explains with a simple example:

[Assume a] farmer has two bags of coffee to sell and there is a Fair Trade buyer for only one bag. The farmer knows bag A would be worth $1.70 per pound on the open market because the quality is high and bag B would be worth only $1.20 because the quality is lower. Which should he sell as Fair Trade coffee for the guaranteed price of $1.40? If he sells bag A as Fair Trade, he earns $1.40 (the Fair Trade price) and sells bag B for $1.20 (the market price), equaling $2.60. If he sells bag B as Fair Trade coffee he earns $1.40, and sells bag A at the market price for $1.70, he earns a total of $3.10. To maximize his income, therefore, he will choose to sell his lower quality coffee as Fair Trade coffee.

More Fair Trade problems are discussed in the article.

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August 11, 2011

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At Freakonomics, the realization that state solar power policies may be less than optimal

August 11, 2011

Michael Giberson

File it under “Ya think???”

A post at Freakonomics by Steve Sexton concludes that California’s solar power subsidies may not be making the best use of the technology. Sexton points out, for example, the 1,923 residential rooftop systems installed in cloudy San Francisco rather than sunnier California locations:

If San Francisco’s residential solar panels were relocated to Apple Valley, they would produce another 2.1 million kilowatt-hours (kWh) of electricity each year—enough to power 320 average California homes.

Similarly, we could consider state policies that made New Jersey one of the fastest growing markets for solar power panels. Installing solar panels in New Jersey instead of the sunnier desert southwest is like throwing away about 30 percent of the power production potential of the equipment.

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Electricity restructuring and the failure to quarantine the monopoly

August 11, 2011

Lynne Kiesling

In 2011, roughly fifteen years after the passage of the first state-level electricity regulation restructuring legislation (in states like California, Pennsylvania, Maine, …), retail competition for residential customers remains anemic in most of the 15 states + DC that have implemented restructuring and allow retail choice.

Lots of possible theories exist for such weak competition — high customer acquisition costs, incumbent default service contracts as an entry barrier, regulation-mandated full depreciation of long-lived incumbent assets as a barrier to innovation, customer indifference, to name a few. Out of this set, the state where retail rivalry for residential customers has been most robust is Texas, with multiple retail firms offering a variety of traditional and green electricity products. At this point they are still competing primarily on price, not on product differentiation (such as dynamic pricing) other than green power, and not through bundling with other services to the home. If consumers value those products I expect them to develop as the distribution wires companies implement their digital meter installations, which will enable more variety and better information flow and customer engagement.

Based on my previous Texas work and on some reading I’ve been doing on the history of telephone regulation for a paper I’m working on, I want to explore another hypothesis: Texas has done a better job than the other 14 states + DC of quarantining the monopoly.

What does “quarantine the monopoly” mean? The phrase arises from the work of William Baxter, now a law professor at Stanford, who in his position as Assistant Attorney General in the U.S. Department of Justice in the 1980s was the primary architect of the settlement of the U.S. vs. AT&T case that led to AT&T’s divestiture in 1982. One of Baxter’s principal concerns regarding the welfare effects of the AT&T monopoly was what came to be known as Baxter’s Law, or the Bell Doctrine — “regulated monopolies have the incentive and opportunity to monopolize related markets in which their monopolized service is an input”, to quote Joskow and Noll’s outstanding 1999 paper on the Bell Doctrine. If there is sufficient rivalry or potential rivalry in that related market, then allowing monopolist participation in that market could reduce or stifle competition, enabling the monopolist to extend its monopoly into the related market, one result of which would be reduced output, higher prices, and deadweight loss arising in that related market.

Baxter’s argument was that the best feasible approach to such a situation, in which a regulated monopolist sits in the middle of a vertical supply chain with competitive or potentially competitive markets on either or both sides, is to quarantine the monopoly by restricting its market participation to its regulated functions. The best way to do this is to separate the ownership and control of the regulated functions from the other vertically-related functions.

Most of the restructured states in the US have failed to quarantine the monopoly in electricity. Regulated wires companies continue to participate in retail markets in states that have granted the default residential service contract to the incumbent, perpetuating the monopolist’s presence in the retail market. While they cannot use that contract to raise retail prices and hence raise their profits, their incumbency still provides an entry barrier in the retail market for residential customers, a market that already has substantial customer acquisition costs and a customer culture that is not yet accustomed to or aware of the potential value creation arising from novel energy-related services and bundles.

Texas, however, quarantined the wires monopoly very clearly in its implementation of restructuring. Incumbents were not permitted to provide default service in their native regulated territories, and they are only permitted to provide wires-related services, which includes metering. Texas has done a better job than the other states of applying the Bell Doctrine in electricity.

 

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Open up bidding for oil and gas leases on federal lands

August 11, 2011

Michael Giberson

PERC’s Shawn Regan argues in favor of allowing environmental groups to bid in federal auctions for oil and gas development leases, a way to help ensure that use of federal lands reflects both the value of energy resource exploitation and the value of protecting those lands from development. The theory is that if environmental groups highly value the opportunity to prevent oil and gas development on a piece of federal land, they’ll put in a high bid. The project would only get leased for development if a resource developer submitted an even higher bid. Let the market decide!

I like the idea, a little more competition won’t hurt, but a few issues need cleaning up first.

Regan said current rules keep environmental groups from participating because of requirements that leaseholders develop the minerals or lose their lease. It isn’t clear from his short piece whether there are specific exclusions in Bureau of Land Management leases or in the auction rules that explicitly bar such participation, or whether he’s referring to relatively standard language in oil and gas leases under which the lease expires if the company doesn’t develop the resource within a set period. Typically, a mineral rights owner leases the development rights because they want the resources developed and the associated royalty payments. When a company holding the lease does not develop the property, the mineral owner wants to be able to shift the development rights to someone who will. If this kind of leasing restriction is the issue, then the leases may need to be rewritten to allow the leaseholder to hold the development rights by use of the environmental values. (Similar to holding water rights to protect in-stream flows rather than by consumption.)

A related issues comes up: If an oil and gas company secures the lease through auction, it has a few years to begin development and so long as development begins in time typically the lease continues for as long as the company continues operations. Operations may last 20 or 25 years, possibly longer, but not forever. So how long should a lease last if an environmental group wants to hold development rights by use of its environmental values?

NOTE: Regan’s piece was also posted at Grist. See also Regan’s earlier piece for PERC Reports, and our earlier comment here on that piece highlighting the possibility of an oil developer and environmental group working together on bidding and resource development.

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Advisory committee’s fracking report spurs outpouring of spin

August 11, 2011

Michael Giberson

Even before the natural gas subcommittee to the Secretary of Energy Advisory Board released it’s “Ninety Day Report” on hydraulic fracking today, anti-fracking groups shifted their spin operations into high gear. On Monday, a letter to President Obama sponsored by 68 groups called on him to “employ any legal means to put a halt to hydraulic fracturing” in natural gas development. On Wednesday, the Environmental Working Group published a letter sent to Secretary of Energy Steven Chu expressing concern over a “lack of impartiality” on the natural gas subcommittee.

This morning many newspapers are carrying stories on the report. The New York Times article by reporters Robbie Brown and Ian Urbina was noteworthy for the number of times it referred to earlier New York Times stories written by Ian Urbina. (Note especially the mid-article paragraph that begins, “After The New York Times published a series of articles … President Obama asked Steven Chu, the energy secretary, in May to produce an advisory report within 90 days on ways to improve the oversight of natural gas drilling.” To which I respond: After Knowledge Problem first made mention of shale gas production, Ian Urbina wrote several widely-criticized stories on natural gas drilling for the New York Times.)

The Washington Post story concluded with an inadvertently amusing pair of paragraphs relaying the views of Friends of the Earth:

But groups such as Friends of the Earth — which joined 67 other organizations in asking Obama on Monday to impose a moratorium on hydraulic fracturing — questioned why the panel would issue a report when the EPA was in the midst of a multi-year study.

“We’re talking about this 90-day rush to judgment that’s just inappropriate,” said Damon Moglen, who directs climate and energy policy for Friends of the Earth.

Apparently a 90-day “rush to judgment” is inappropriate, but by day 87 the Friends of the Earth had already concluded that fracking for natural gas should be stopped immediately.

The “Ninety Day Report” released today is presented as a “draft” document. The public can submit comments on the report, the full Secretary of Energy Advisory Board will review the draft prior to formally submitting it to the Secretary on August 18, and the final report will not be issued until November 18, 2011. See the US DOE website for details.

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Gasoline taxes and CAFE regulations

August 9, 2011

Michael Giberson

Most of the current 18.4 cents per gallon federal gasoline tax is set to expire at the end of September, and there are some indications that it may become the occasion for the next big political fight in Congress. See Politico and Platts for background. Grover Nordquist, of Americans for Tax Reform, says a vote to keep the current federal gasoline tax wouldn’t violate pledges some members of Congress have made not to raise taxes. Still, he’d prefer states keep the gasoline tax money they collect rather than have a portion flow into Washington, D.C., and come back with strings attached.

Now consider that recently that President Obama has been trumpeting a far-reaching agreement to raise CAFE standards over the next 14 years to levels about double the current mileage standard, and that nearly every serious analysis concludes that whatever CAFE can do would be achievable at much lower cost to the economy via an increase in the gasoline tax. A 2005 analysis published in the Journal of Environmental Economics and Management concluded a 12 cents per gallon increase in the gas tax would reduce fuel consumption as much as a 10 percent increase in CAFE, and achieve that reduction at a 70 percent lower cost.

I’d like to propose the following deal: Repeal CAFE, raise the gasoline tax in stages over the next several years, and offset the revenue increases with reductions in other federal taxes. That is “Repeal” with a capital R. Not delay the increases, not block the increases, not anything that keeps CAFE around in the slightest possible role. Repeal CAFE and raise the gasoline tax instead. No net increase in federal taxes, and we toss out a cumbersome, bureaucratic, inefficient regulatory system that has been burdening automakers and auto consumers for years.

UNFORTUNATELY, two problems:

First, hard line anti-tax views will let Members of Congress pretend to small government values for not increasing the gas tax while allowing the much more costly federal intrusion of super-sizing CAFE regulations. Hey Members of Congress, just because it isn’t labeled a tax increase doesn’t mean it is okay!

Second, fuel economy regulations have become more complicated recently, with the EPA assuming a role in regulating CO2 levels and subsequently granting California a waiver to pursue its own related air regulations. One reason automakers said they went along with the CAFE standard increases announced by the White House is that they were afraid of the complications that would come from separate California, EPA, and Department of Transportation regulations all addressing fuel economy directly (USDOT CAFE) or indirectly (California and EPA CO2 regulations).

So my wonderful idea faces challenges from right-wing politics-for-brains types and left-wing state interventionists, meaning repeal of CAFE is – relatively speaking – a radically moderate/centrist and probably sensible proposal.

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Gas price gouging on rise*

August 8, 2011

Michael Giberson

Gasoline stations are violating price regulations at a higher rate than any other industry under government price guidelines, an Internal Revenue Service survey shows.

About 20% of service stations checked were selling gasoline above the legal ceiling price, the agency said.

Federal energy chief William Simon told The Milwaukee Journal’s Washington Bureau Thursday that the Internal Revenue Service was intensifying its crackdown on price gouging. He said the IRS was training an additional 1,000 investigators – bringing the total number available to the Federal Energy Office (FEO) to about 2,500.

In addition, he urged consumers to complain to their local IRS office whenever they believed they were being overcharged. He said consumers should get receipts from service stations whenever possible so they could receive any refunds that were ordered.

Acting Atty. Gen. Robert Bork sent telegrams to 94 US attorneys last week advising them to seek restraining orders against gasoline price gouging, Simon said.

Most of the violation probably do not involve flagrant price gouging, in which motorists are charged $1 or more for a gallon of gas, an IRS spokesman said. But the number of such serious violations is increasing.

The spokesman said it appeared that an increasing number of gasoline stations were using various gimmicks to get around the government’s price regulations.

*Excerpt from “Gas Price Gouging on Rise,” The Milwaukee Journal, January 2, 1974.

You probably believe that consumers had to wait in long lines to buy gas in the early 1970s because of the OPEC oil embargo. Annual data on imports available from the Energy Information Administration indicate that oil imports from OPEC nations increased each year from 1968 through 1977. (I don’t find monthly data on a cursory search, though it would be more revealing of conditions during the months of the embargo.)

The newspaper clip above reminds us that U.S. government price controls were hampering oil industry adjustments to higher world oil prices and changing supply conditions. A little common sense is all that is needed to realize that consumers don’t stand in line to pay too-high prices, but will stand in line for underpriced goods (whether due to sales promotions or government price controls).

A related story, “Gas stations worst violators” (The Miami News, January 3, 1974), elaborated on gasoline retailers’ adaptations to price controls: “According to the [Federal Energy Office] spokesman, the gimmicks used include service charges for each gallon of gas, requiring consumers to get a car wash along with a full tank of gas, or making them buy other products at inflated prices.”

The rest of The Milwaukee Journal story is included in the continuation below.

Read the rest of this entry ?

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Monday morning debt recommendations

August 8, 2011

Lynne Kiesling

Too many people are writing and saying too many interesting things to digest on the debt actions in the eurozong and the debt downgrade in the US … and some people are saying some extremely misinformed and silly things too. But I’d like to highlight a few comments I’ve read today and over the weekend that I think make sense.

In Sunday’s Daily Telegraph (UK), Janet Daley provided a good discussion of how the US history and culture of individual liberty relates to the current debt/spending fiscal crisis facing us; particularly for a non-US audience, I thought her analysis was really useful:

The truly fundamental question that is at the heart of the disaster toward which we are racing is being debated only in America: is it possible for a free market economy to support a democratic socialist society? …

But the US has a very different historical experience from European countries, with their accretions of national remorse and class guilt: it has a far stronger and more resilient belief in the moral value of liberty and the dangers of state power. This is a political as much as an economic crisis, but not for the reasons that Mr Obama believes. The ruckus that nearly paralysed the US economy last week, and led to the loss of its AAA rating from Standard & Poor’s, arose from a confrontation over the most basic principles of American life.

Contrary to what the Obama Democrats claimed, the face-off in Congress did not mean that the nation’s politics were “dysfunctional”. The politics of the US were functioning precisely as the Founding Fathers intended: the legislature was acting as a check on the power of the executive.

After discussing possible policy alternatives in Europe and the US, she makes the Einsteinian conclusion that insanity is to keep doing the same thing and expecting a different outcome:

A general correction of the imbalance between wealth production and wealth redistribution is now a matter of basic necessity, not ideological preference.

The hardest obstacle to overcome will be the idea that anyone who challenges the prevailing consensus of the past 50 years is irrational and irresponsible. That is what is being said about the Tea Partiers. In fact, what is irrational and irresponsible is the assumption that we can go on as we are.

Sounding a similar note is Pete Boettke, with whom I agree that we’re gonna have to face it, we’re addicted to debt:

The global economy doesn’t need an international plan of supervision and stabilization, instead what is required is bold action by policy makers to slash spending and let society reclaim responsibility from the state.

Another aspect of this situation that has been interesting has been how various parties are trying to spin the Friday S&P “$2 trillion math mistake” in the run-up to the downgrade announcement. I took those spin attempts with a grain of salt, as I suspect did anyone who has ever done a forward-looking scenario analysis and sensitivity analysis of financial data. Is one person’s “mistake” another person’s different assumption, or different choice of scenario?

John Taylor, who has much more experience than I do in this type of work, suggests precisely that:

But if you examine the details of the S&P–Treasury–White House dispute, rather than a “math error” you will find what is better described as a “difference of opinion” about a forecast for future government spending.  In other words, the issue is about the appropriate “baseline” for government spending in the absence of more actions. Since when did different views or assumptions about the future become a math error?
In their original draft report, S&P evidently assumed that discretionary government spending would grow by about 5 percent per year over the next 10 years if no further action were taken (beyond the Budget Control Act of 2011). In the final draft, at the urging of the Treasury, they assumed that discretionary spending would grow at about 2.5 percent per year if no further actions were taken.  The first assumption leads to a higher level of debt than the second.  Over 10 years the difference is about $2 trillion.

So this is a matter of different assumptions rather than a math mistake.  In fact, the alternative assumption of faster spending growth is not so unreasonable, and whether or not S&P put it in their final report it is something they or anyone else should worry about.

I recommend reading Taylor’s post carefully as you formulate your own interpretation of the debt downgrade and the policy alternatives available to us.

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Worried about too much demand elasticity in electric power markets

August 8, 2011

Michael Giberson

Will electric power consumers facing smart-grid enabled real time prices have the potential to accidentally destabilize the power grid and cause a blackout?  A paper presented at a recent IEEE conference says it is a possibility. The surprising culprit? Too much price elasticity in the market demand function.

It is a surprising culprit because consumer demand for electricity is currently notoriously inelastic (that is to say, not responsive to changing prices) in the short run, in part due to the way standard regulatory rate structures end up with consumers being presented with relatively unchanging prices reflecting a longer-term average cost of production. Prices don’t change much, so consumers don’t watch prices much. But this price inelasticity of demand doesn’t mean the quantity of electricity consumers want to consume is unchanging – consumers want more or less electricity throughout the day in response to ordinary household schedules and in response to outside temperatures and building heating and cooling demands. Consumer demand for power responds to a lot of things, but rarely to changes in the price of power itself.

Because of the way the current grid is designed, the quantity of energy supplied and demanded must be balanced continuously. Therefore, the grid is typically operated to take the quantity of power demanded as a given and make whatever adjustments in the quantity supplied to maintain system balance. (In brief, because prices can’t do much work coordinating supply and demand in the short-run, all of the coordination must be done by adjusting quantities. Grid operators can typically control suppliers but not consumers, so quantity-based supply side adjustment does most of the work of keeping the market balanced.)

The authors, three engineers at MIT, worry that if too many consumers facing real time prices pick similar high price points at which to cycle off appliances (or low prices as which to charge electric vehicles), that the market demand function will acquire highly price elastic segments in which quantity demanded will suddenly drop off (or spike up) at rates faster than the supply side can safely accommodate. Therefore, a blackout risk. To counter this possible risk, the authors suggest diversifying price signals sent to consumers, or employing hourly instead of 5-minute price signals, or using rolling-average prices to consumers rather than location-specific current marginal price. They admit their safeguards would hamper the efficiency of market results, the efficiency loss essentially the price paid to mitigate the possibility of a price-responsive demand shock to the system.

In my view, the idea of having so many real-time price-aware consumers responding in the market remains so far-fetched that I’m not willing to worry about that so many of them will coordinate their home energy management systems on the same price points and unwittingly bring down the system.

And well before this possibility of too-much consumer responsiveness comes about, I suspect most RTOs will be paying suppliers for ramping capability and charging consumers for using it in ways that will enable sufficient short-run system responsiveness. So I’m not ready to worry now about this problem, and don’t think that I’ll need to worry about it later, either.

(See MIT media relations summary here, HT to Scientific American via Economist’s View.)

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