Archive for September, 2011

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A Coasian look at pesticide and genetic drift

September 30, 2011

Michael Giberson

A few weeks back Lynne drew attention to an interesting property dispute between neighboring farmers in Minnesota, currently the subject of legal action (see news summary here, related court decision here). In brief, the issue is pesticide drift from conventionally farmed crops onto a neighboring organic farm, and whether the organic farm can sue the conventional farm for pesticide-drift trespassing. Appeals court says yes.

David Conner wrote about a very similar hypothetical case a few years back in “Pesticides and Genetic Drift: Alternative Property Rights Scenarios,” when considering a Coasian approach to resolving such issues:

Imagine the following hypothetical dispute between Cameron Conventional and Olivia Organic, two farmers with adjacent fields. Cam­eron is a cutting-edge, high-tech farmer, an early adopter of new technologies, making him a low­ cost producer of grains and legumes. “Back to the land” Olivia grows organic specialty orops for sale at a local farmers’ marker.

Someone tests an ear of Olivia’s sweet corn and determines that it is contaminated by pesticides and pollen from GE corn. Her upset consumers begin to boycott her. The belief that she is an organic producer is stripped away. She must now sell her produce conventionally at a much lower price. What are her options?

Conner then explores the case in “Coasian” fashion, considering various scenarios depending upon who would be the least-cost avoider of the conflict and who held what rights.

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On the obligations of income-earners and property-owners to pay taxes

September 29, 2011

Michael Giberson

Perhaps you’ve seen the video of Elizabeth Warren, hoping to be elected to the U.S. Senate from Massachusetts, in which she declaims that since roads and police and fire protection are funded through taxes, people have no real claim to their income or wealth against a government that wants to take it. After all, she says, without use of the roads or protection by the policy, people couldn’t earn income or hold onto their wealth. (By the way, I’m looking forward to part two where she explains the consequences for religious freedom entailed by the fact that church-goers drive to church on tax-funded roads.)

Some people like her way of thinking (see the comments here). But obviously her presentation will grate on the nerves of folks that believe governments are instituted to secure and protect rights rather than the wellspring of those rights in the first place.

There are a number of thoughtful (and probably many more less thoughtful) criticisms of Warren’s little speech. Perhaps the best considered response I’ve seen so far comes from Will Wilkinson at The Moral Sciences Club, “Tax and Justice: It is your money.”

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Razor-razorblade, printer-cartridge, … tablet-media

September 29, 2011

Lynne Kiesling

Amazon’s announcement yesterday of their Kindle Fire tablet differentiates the tablet market in one discrete jump. Anticipated for months, the Fire does indeed compete head-to-head with the iPad, but not by mimicking its feature-rich and flexible platform. Amazon has made a strong Schumpeterian move to differentiate the market.

Amazon’s move follows a storied path in economics, the path of razor-razorblade. Gillette will make lots of money selling you razorblades, so it sells you the razor for a song, or even at a loss; the razor thus becomes a platform for selling you complementary razorblades. The fact that Shick razorblades won’t fit your razor due to strict complementarity makes this strategy possible, and profitable. Printers and ink cartridges are another example of complementary products where the firm can price low on the hardware to create the anticipated revenue flow from selling the ink cartridges.

In this instance Amazon is sensibly leveraging its comparative advantage, which is the breadth and depth of its media content, its extensive customer relationships, and its cloud storage services. It can charge a low price of $199 for the Fire (and the new lower-priced Kindle readers) because Amazon profits from your purchase and use of its content. The tablet is no longer a physical device; it is a media platform in a way that differs significantly from the iPad. The Fire is a 7-inch and not 10-inch device, it doesn’t have a camera, and it only has 8GB of storage, which indicates that Amazon expects their customers to use their already-extensive cloud storage services to stream media content rather than downloading it onto the device. In fact, this excellent Bloomberg article on Amazon’s move points out that Jeff Bezos is pitching the Fire as a service, not as a tablet.

Several commenters see in this product differentiation the death knell of the full-featured Android tablet, and predict that the market will bifurcate between the high-priced, feature-rich iPad and the bargain Fire. I’m not convinced; I think it will depend on how many customers (like me) want more features and capability, don’t want to rely so heavily on wi-fi streaming from cloud storage, and aren’t thrilled with Apple’s walled garden approach to digital rights.

Other good analyses of the Fire that touch on the points I raised above are from Erik Brynjolfsson and Joshua Gans at Digitopoly, a new (welcome!) economics blog focusing on the digital economy. Given the overlap in our interests in technology, I will read with great enthusiasm.

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New Economic Freedom of the World report, and some suggestive connections

September 26, 2011

Lynne Kiesling

Last week the new Economic Freedom of the World report was released, and it’s pretty sobering. The Fraser Institute and a large international coalition of think tanks collaborate to publish this annual report, and the research papers written over the past 20 years using the EFW data indicate the positive role that economic freedom plays in enabling prosperity, rising living standards, and economic growth and well-being. As summarized in the Huffington Post by the study’s authors (Jim Gwartney, Bob Lawson, Josh Hall),

Nations that score higher on the index tend to be richer, grow faster, have less poverty, live longer, be more educated, and on and on. On virtually every measure of the good life, we find that more economic freedom yields better results. Other research finds economic freedom corresponds with less warfare, greater human rights, more gender equity, less unemployment, improved democracy, more trust, and less corruption. The results of the Economic Freedom of the World project and the scholarly analysis it has facilitated are simply overwhelming. Economic freedom works.

But the US results indicate reductions in the economic freedom that’s associated with growth and prosperity:

Economic freedom in the United States is on the wane. Historically a standard bearer for freer markets, the United States has seen its economic freedom rating fall in the last decade according to the latest Economic Freedom of the World index, published by a world-wide network of institutes. In 2000, the U.S. was ranked 3rd in the world behind only Hong Kong and Singapore, but in the most recent report, the U.S. is ranked 10th behind countries like Canada, Chile, Australia, and the United Kingdom.

The index measures the degree to which people in a nation are free to pursue their own economic objectives without government taxes and regulations, as well as the extent to which government protects property rights and provides a sound monetary environment. The decline of the U.S. is the result of massively higher government spending and borrowing, increased regulation, and especially less secure property rights. Ballooning budget deficits are crowding out private credit causing the rating in this component to fall to 0.0 from 9.3 (out of 10) since 2000. Asset forfeiture laws, eminent domain abuse, the wars on drugs and terrorism, TSA, and warrantless wiretaps have apparently taken their toll on the security of property rights. …

Over the past decade, the rating of the United States has fallen almost a full point on the economic freedom scale. Prior research indicates that a decline of this magnitude will reduce a country’s long-term growth rate by at least a full percentage point. In the case of the United States, this will mean future average annual growth of real GDP of 2 percent rather than our 3 percent historical average.

This is a disturbing, but not surprising, result of their data analysis. If you are not familiar with this report, I encourage you to read it.

I find some commonality in the loss of U.S. freedom they document and the results released today of a Gallup poll that finds 81% of Americans are dissatisfied with how the country is being governed, a historically high percentage. Here’s a finding to connect to the EFW report, encompassing economic, civil, and political liberty:

49% of Americans believe the federal government has become so large and powerful that it poses an immediate threat to the rights and freedoms of ordinary citizens. In 2003, less than a third (30%) believed this.

Furthermore, even the mainstream media is addressing our government’s dysfunctionality, with an opinion series this week entitled “Why is our government so broken?”. Their first commentary, from David Frum, focuses on the vanishing spirit of cooperation” among our federal elected representatives. Although that’s a missive from the Department of the Obvious, I look forward to reading the rest of the series.

In particular, some recommendations for change other than (1) be more civically engaged and (2) vote the bums out would be nice, since I think the incentives behind those and the probabilities of them happening in general are weak at best.

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Will Nebraska hold up Keystone XL pipeline? and other energy stories in the news

September 26, 2011

Michael Giberson

A few items of interest in the news today:

  1. Associated Press, Oil Pipeline Opponents Pin Hopes on Nebraska – Fears of contaminating the Ogallala Aquifer have led agriculture-dependent Nebraska to be way of the pipeline and the potential for spills. No matter that any break in the pipe would only result in very localized damage and won’t be able to magically leap tens or hundreds of feet underground to reach the underground water supply.

    University of Nebraska hydrologist Jim Goeke, a retired professor who has studied the pipeline proposal for years, believes it’s safe. He says the aquifer is composed of layers of loose sand, sandstone, soot and gravel that would impede the spread of an oil leak.

    Goeke, who has no formal role in the project, said he expects pipeline opponents to make an impassioned case that the aquifer would be endangered, but he doesn’t buy it.

    “I’d be comfortable if the pipeline was defeated on the basis of good, sound science and not emotion,” Goeke said. “I think it’s a reflection of the pride and love Nebraskans have for the Ogallala Aquifer. A lot of people love and treasure the aquifer, and they’re concerned the entire aquifer is at risk. And that just isn’t factual.”

  2. Wall Street Journal, Drillers Face Methane Concern: Contamination of Water Supply Near Gas-Drilling Operations Prompts Industry Focus on Design of Wells – This isn’t some cooked up story by a filmmaker, and so the photo of flaming water from the kitchen sink is accompanied by discussion of what the industry is trying to do about the issue. The problem is rightly linked to drilling, not to fracking operations per se. The industry knows that every single mistake in places where development is allowed will produce additional regulations, delays and expenses elsewhere. That makes for a pretty big incentive to the industry to keep it clean (though of course individual companies still have incentives to cut corners to keep their costs low).
  3. Student Eden Full devises simple sun-tracking device for solar panels, essentially working on the same principle as a thermostat’s coil. Motorized mechanical tracking systems are expensive and require trained technicians to maintain. Full says her device is so simple that she can explain to kids how to fix it if it breaks.
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A great relative risk graphic for terrorism

September 24, 2011

Lynne Kiesling

In previous posts on the TSA and security here, here, here, and here, I’ve argued emphatically for taking a relative risk assessment approach to our security and surveillance policies and spending. Courtesy of Meg McLain, here’s a vivid graphic representing why that’s a good idea, and why we should not be spending so much money so ineffectively on security theater:

 



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Don’t Peak: On ill-considered peak oil debates

September 23, 2011

Michael Giberson

Daniel Yergin’s peak oil commentary in last Saturday’s Wall Street Journal has set the econoblogosphere to chattering, or at least those of us in the energy corner. In addition to the clash of the titans, i.e. James Hamilton’s “More thoughts on peak oil” rejoinder to Yergin, the mere mortals are going at it, too.

Michael Levi did a quick round-up of reactions at his Council on Foreign Relations-based blog, then added his views. He expressed some exasperation about the “muddled, often faith based” arguing that goes on when peak oil is the topic.

I think he’s right: ideas often get muddled when peak oil is the topic. A big part of the problem is how the term “peak oil” frames the debate.

The problem with peaks

The term “peak oil” draws attention to the wrong issue. Try an analogy: During any given football game, there will be a point at which the football reaches its maximum height. Call it “peak ball.” Two things are obvious: first, after peak ball, the football will never again be that high; and second, the peak ball moment has almost nothing to do with the overall game. If you want to understand the football game, don’t worry about peak ball. People who frame the discussion in terms of peak ball will miss the point; the game’s real action is elsewhere.

Even experienced analysts get thrown off track. Consider Hamilton’s “More thoughts” rejoinder to Yergin.  Hamilton begins by trying to clarify just what he wants to discuss, stating three propositions as the “core claims that need to be evaluated.” Oddly, he then dismisses the first two propositions as so obvious as to not require additional thought (so what was it about the first two “core claims” that needed evaluation?) In any case, he thinks he is going to evaluate his third core claim: “This peak in global production will be reached relatively soon.”

But look at what he actually writes about in the rest of his essay. Beyond some swipes at Yergin’s peak oil discussion, Hamilton’s evaluation focuses on the slow supply response to increasing world demand for oil over the last few years, what economists’ call the price elasticity of supply. Hamilton said:

I was not among those who claimed that the peak would arrive by Thanksgiving 2005, nor 2007, nor 2011. But I am among those who did claim, and still believe, that the slow rate of increase in annual oil production over the last 5 years has caused significant economic problems for countries like the United States.

And he concluded:

I submit that meeting the growing global demand for crude oil over the last five years has posed significant challenges for the world economy. And those who worry that the next 5-10 years might be like the last should not be dismissed as crackpots.

In both claims, Hamilton draws attention to the slow rate of the supply response relative to demand growth. He is right, this is where the action is with respect to understanding recent oil market developments … and nothing about what he said depends upon whether the peak in world oil production did happen in 2005 or 2007, or will happen in 2011, or won’t happen until 2100 … and framing remarks as about peak oil distracts attention from the real issues.

Hamilton framed his article as if it were about peak oil, he titled his article “More thoughts on peak oil,” but when he gets down to explaining what he thinks is important, none of his article depends on peak anything.

Supply and demand: Boring and relevant

The underlying issue remains that the short run price elasticity of both supply and demand for crude oil are low, which means shifts in the supply or demand relationships become manifest mostly in changing price. Over the last several decades, most oil price shocks have been precipitated by supply interruptions. The duration of historic supply shocks has mostly depended upon the Saudi government’s willingness to use its spare productive capacity to fill the gap until the interrupted producer recovers.

When readily available spare capacity can fix an oil shock, there is little reason for significant investments by other producers to expand their own supply capability. When significant increases in supply appeared called for, they take years. The great non-OPEC supply boom of the early 1980s was mostly a delayed supply response to higher oil prices of the 1970s. Given the inherent years-long delays in any substantial supply response, it isn’t surprising that the price increases of 2005-2008 didn’t bring an immediate outpouring of new supplies.

The oil price run-up of 2005-2008 was mostly driven by a demand-side shock: increasing demand resulting from rising incomes in developing nations, especially China. Saudi production dipped a little rather than increased as post-2005 oil prices continued higher, and that response may have set the stage for the sharp price spike of 2008. All of these developments are well analyzed in Hamilton’s 2009 paper, “Causes and Consequences of the Oil Shock of 2007-08.” (Ungated version here.)

Conceivably, Saudi reluctance to increase production revealed the exhaustion of its spare capacity. Over the last few years there has been a lot of speculation about Saudi Arabian reserves, and not a lot of real information available publicly. But an alternative interpretation was that the demand-side shock – rapidly increasing world demand for oil – led the Saudi’s to reevaluate the reserve price they put on their spare capacity. In any case, the spare capacity seems to be back: in 2011 Saudi production reached a 30-year high after it increased production in response to Libyan supply interruptions.

Don’t be distracted

Yergin, not Hamilton, may be to blame for this latest round of peak oil debate. But the thrust of Yergin’s WSJ article was to undermine any focus on peak oil and to suggest the interesting action is elsewhere. Obviously I agree with Yergin on this point. It is perhaps a bit ironic, given the peak oiler-based anti-Yergin outrage that has erupted, that Yergin accepts the basic idea of a peak. He just believes the peak is at least 20 or so years away and will be long and flat and lacking in much social drama. Yergin’s error, to the peak oil crowd, is not being alarmed.

I also agree with Hamilton: the slow supply response to higher prices over the last few years have contributed to significant economic problems in the world economy. It seems quite reasonable to worry about how these issues will continue to play out over the next five or ten years.

Sure, it is possible to frame the explanation of crude oil prices over the last few years or the next ten as a “peak oil” story, but whether we are or are not at peak world oil production is essentially irrelevant. The question of peaking distracts from examination of the real action.

My advice to oil industry analysts: Use some other approach to understanding and explaining oil industry developments.

Don’t peak.

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AT&T/T-Mobile merger is about spectrum, redux

September 23, 2011

Lynne Kiesling

In case you were in doubt concerning my argument of a couple of weeks ago and back in March that the AT&T/T-Mobile merger is largely driven by our flawed spectrum policy, Gordon Crovitz weighed in with his version of the same argument in the Wall Street Journal earlier this week:

The great threat to competition for wireless data and mobile phones is not mergers—it’s government failure to free enough spectrum to meet demand. Deutsche Telekom agreed to sell T-Mobile, the fourth-largest wireless provider in the U.S., because it couldn’t get enough spectrum to compete and wanted out of the U.S. market. For AT&T, the $39 billion purchase price was the best way to get the spectrum and local cell towers it needs to serve 97% of U.S. consumers with a new 4G LTE network—a technology currently provided only by Verizon. In other words, this merger would mean more competition, not less.

However, as part of the political bargain to take some steam out of the DOJ’s challenge of the merger, AT&T is apparently offering to sell some of its spectrum to smaller wireless companies, according to Ars Technica. Presumably they would do so in markets in which they have substantial network overlap with T-Mobile (such as Chicago), which may reduce the DOJ’s estimate of the potential anti-competitive price effects of the merger.

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Sanchez on Netflix

September 21, 2011

Lynne Kiesling

You probably received the same apologetic email from Reed Hastings of Netflix that I did on Monday, stating the impending decision to split Netflix’s streaming business and its DVD subscription business. Foresightful or bad business decision, PR nightmare, or all of the above? The best analysis of its likely drivers and impacts is from Julian Sanchez:

Just as many people spend hours “watching TV” rather than watching any particular show, people often just want to “watch a movie”—de dicto, rather than de re, as the philosophers say—or rather have the option to watch any one of a number of movies, more than they want to see any particular one.

Julian goes through a good analysis comparing buying a DVD, getting a DVD from Netflix, or streaming a movie, both from the consumer’s perspective and from the studio’s perspective, and how all of these affect Netflix’s business model. Although he doesn’t couch it in economic terms specifically, his analysis hinges on the differences in option value of the various alternatives to consumers, and how both the studios and Netflix/Quikster can profit from these different option values and changes in them. Very thoughtful analysis.

My Kellogg colleague Sandeep Baliga also comments on the decision from a more operational and strategy perspective.

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Resiliency comes from more risk of bank failure, not less

September 21, 2011

Lynne Kiesling

In the always-smart-and-interesting City AM paper from London, Anthony Evans makes an important argument that has been overlooked in financial regulation debates: risk of failure is what creates system resilience, and regulation creates brittle monocultures. He writes in the context of last week’s Independent Commission on Banking (ICB) recommendations for creating regulatory divisions between retail banking and investment banking and implementing other structural changes, with the objective of a more resilient financial system. Evans critiques the over-simplified concept of risk that the report employs:

We can’t say that one thing is more risky than another – only that different activities expose people to different types of risk. Bodies like the ICB needs to shift from trying to – impossibly – reduce risk to placing responsibility on those who are choosing between different risks.

For example, ordinary depositors should not be protected from risk – they need to confront it. It can seem counterintuitive, but the genuine threat of bank runs is probably the best disciplinary device to prevent them from happening.

Evans’ argument stems from an assertion that he makes later in his column, that risk cannot be reduced but can only be transferred from one party to another. While I think that assertion is debatable, the important insight from this part of his argument is that resiliency in complex market systems arises from agents having responsibility for losses associated with taking additional risks, in addition to their receiving profits associated with taking additional risks. Breaking that connection among risk, profit, and loss is one of the core causes of the brittleness of the financial system over the past two decades, and the transmission and magnification of those losses.

Evans makes a second important observation: when regulation imposes a higher degree of uniformity in a complex system, it reduces resilience of the overall system by creating separated monocultures:

By making arbitrary decisions about what must stay within fences and what doesn’t, or about the level of equity capital that banks will be required to keep, regulators make banking more homogenous. Banks are already free to set up their own ring fences, and a competitive system would be one where they can experiment with different ones. …

All regulations create clusters of errors – by their nature they harmonise behaviour and therefore increase systemic dangers. Policy efforts need to focus on reducing barriers to exit, making it easier for banks to fail, making the costs of failure more visible and ensuring they fall on those who make bad decisions – bankers, regulators, or even the public.

We see this paradox of control in all forms of economic regulation; in this case in financial regulation, but also in the electricity regulation that is the focus of my attention. Regulators believe that by increasing control, by limiting the range of actions that agents can take in complex systems, they are reducing the risk of bad outcomes. But what they do not realize (or choose to ignore) is, as Evans points out here, that by imposing more top-down centralized control on their actions and interactions, they reduce the incentives of the agents to develop their own forms of individual control based on their local knowledge and their own experimentation. Thus regulation makes this complex system more rigid, more brittle, less resilient, and therefore regulation does not achieve its stated goals.

Note here that I am using the tools and language of complexity science and complexity economics, but you can see in this discussion where moral hazard shows up, where you could talk about the failures of corporate governance (as does Charlie Calomiris), etc. Framing the objective as a resilient system broadens the focus beyond top-down regulation to include the individual, decentralized institutions that can keep dangers from becoming systemic. Thinking about regulation in terms of the locus of control and the consequences of the imposition of control in a complex system is more likely to enable us to incorporate the costs of imposing control into the analysis, and to harness decentralized institutions to enable a more resilient system.

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