Archive for the ‘Liberty’ Category

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Do you want to be intellectually honest?

April 27, 2012

Michael Giberson

Some techniques for checking the tendency toward extreme partisanship, which can be a ready source of intellectual errors (source):

•Take opposing points of view at face value.

It is more comfortable to treat opposing points of view reductively. That is, rather than deal with a different viewpoint, we prefer to explain it away. “They just want power.” “They just serve special interests.” “They don’t believe in science.” “They are socialists.”

Taking opposing points of view at face value means that we try to pass the ideological Turing test. Could my characterization of another ideology allow me to pass as a proponent of that ideology? Could an opponent’s characterization of my ideology allow that person to pass as someone like me?

•Police your own side.

In political debates, we put a lot of energy into pointing out the errors of our opponents. When somebody writes an op-ed exposing the “myths” that surround an issue, the purpose is to debunk the other side, almost never to question one’s own allies….

Imagine instead an environment in which we primarily tried to expose intellectual error on our own side. In street basketball terms, you “call your own fouls.” The onus of calling liberals’ intellectual fouls would fall on liberals. The onus of calling conservatives’ intellectual fouls would fall on conservatives.

Policing your own side would require a conscious effort to reverse the tendency toward confirmation bias. We would have to search as hard for holes in our allies’ arguments as if they were opponents’ arguments. If the goal is to improve public discourse by removing improper arguments, we are much more likely to succeed by having each side call its own fouls than by having people call fouls on the other side.

Street basketball with teams calling fouls on one another would probably degenerate into unsettled arguments. That is, it would start to resemble politics.

•Scramble the teams.

Many years ago, some men in our neighborhood started a pickup softball game on Sundays. We quickly realized that if we formed regular teams, antagonisms would fester. Instead, each week we formed new teams on a different basis, such as odd-numbered birthdays vs. even-numbered birthdays. Scrambling the teams kept the games friendly.

Much of our partisanship reflects emotional loyalty to the ideological group with which we identify. To scramble the teams, we would need to foster situations in which liberals develop emotional bonds with conservatives.

Emotional bonds develop when people work towards a common goal. Thus, in the past, military service and foreign threats have served to break down ideological differences. Historians view World War II as a period in which American unity was strong….Overall, the end of the Cold War, which reduced the sense of common threat, may account for some of the rise in partisanship within the United States in recent decades.

We need to find a substitute for external threats as a social bonding agent. Maybe some ideological peace could be bought by having liberals and conservatives who both root for the same sports team get together during important games. Perhaps liberals and conservatives could actively participate in charitable endeavors that both can endorse.

The work of [Jonathan] Haidt and other psychologists is persuasive and disturbing. It exposes a tendency to form ideological tribes that use moral arguments as rationalizations. Tribes will go out of their way to misunderstand one another. If we want to get along better and resolve differences more easily, it will take conscious effort to overcome tribal behavioral instincts.

From: Arnold Kling, “The Tribal Mind: Moral Reasoning and Public Discourse,” The American, Thursday, April 26, 2012.

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Schmidtz on the philosophy of property

April 27, 2012

Michael Giberson

At Bleeding Heart Libertarians, University of Arizona philosopher David Schmidtz discusses what a good concept of property does for society. He sums his view concisely at the end, reproduced below. Go read the rest of it for the background and support for these conclusions.

To summarize, in more concrete terms, when a system of property is working, it enables people to live good lives together by helping people to solve a cluster of key problems:

  1. It puts people in a position to produce.
  2. It puts producers in a position to trade.
  3. It fosters creative destruction by encouraging people to experiment, and to shut down experiments that are not working, and to acquire and transmit information about which experiments work and which do not.
  4. It limits externalities.  That is, it results in people having to pay the costs of their own experiments, and also in people being able to enjoy the benefits of their own experiments, thereby helping a society make progress. In most times and places, this will mean a mixed regime in which important bits of property are held by the public but in which the primary means of production are in private hands. That kind of mixed regime has been tested repeatedly in practice. Evidently, and for well-known reasons, it just works better.
  5. It limits transaction cost.  A system must enable producers to take steps to minimize the cost of getting their product to their customers. The roads must be good. Tariffs must not prevent them from dealing with foreign suppliers, and so on.
  6. It enables producers to grow their business, setting up production processes that exploit opportunities for productivity-increasing division of labor and economies of scale.

A system of good property law and good government does these six things, then stops.  Property rights don’t do everything for people, any more than do traffic lights, or plumbers, but this much they can do: they can structure people’s opportunities and incentives such that the most profitable thing people can do is to be as useful as possible to the people around them. The key to explosive economic growth is simple: Secure our possessions well enough to make it safe for us to be a part of the community. Put us in a situation where the key to personal prosperity is to devise ever more effective ways of making the people around us better off. That isn’t everything, but it is a lot.

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Great strides have been made combating price gougers in Venzuela

April 24, 2012

Michael Giberson

Venezuela “President” Hugo Chávez  has put his government strongly behind efforts to combat price gouging, which in this context means selling a good for more than the government’s permitted price. The policy has had the usual effects: shortages of ordinary consumer goods and queues reminiscent of Soviet-style communism.

The New York Times reports, “With Venezuelan Food Shortages, Some Blame Price Controls.” Obviously those “some” are greedy capitalists and their economist lackeys, but Chávez isn’t buying into such corrupt and self-serving claims by economic elites. Instead, “[Chávez and his ministers] blame unfettered capitalism for the country’s economic ills and argue that controls are needed to keep prices in check in a country where inflation rose to 27.6 percent last year, one of the highest rates in the world.”

That’s the ticket: the more problems the government creates, the more reasons the government claims it is needed to solve problems.

HT to Paul Walker at Anti-Dismal, who offers a curated selection of quotes from the article.

MORE: A news story from 2010, “Venezuela closes price-gouging shops.”

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Reasons to end the War on Drugs. Now.

April 20, 2012

Lynne Kiesling

Today in Forbes Art Carden has an essay arguing that we should end the War on Drugs and make marijuana legal, now. He’s right. Here’s why.

  • As Art argues, the War on Drugs is a policy poster child for unintended consequences, because the inelastic demand for the regulated good means that stronger enforcement leads to more profits from selling the good. The War on Drugs increases drug dealer profits.
  • Because of those profits relative to other alternatives, the War on Drugs just doesn’t work. An example: here in Chicago we had a recent spate of unusual gun violence, and even though new police chief Garry McCarthy said last year that he thought the War on Drugs was ineffective, after this violent weekend he joined mayor Rahm Emanuel in promising more vigorous and aggressive enforcement and targeting of drug transactions. Note at the head of the lede that Mick Dumke says “The first time I heard a police officer argue that the war on drugs wasn’t working was in 1994.” Law Enforcement Against Prohibition has been saying it since 2002.
  • The War on Drugs violates the fundamental individual right that humans have of self-ownership; individuals have the right to choose their own actions without interference as long as their actions do not violate the fundamental individual rights of others.
  • The War on Drugs has created horrific law enforcement violations of individual rights: police brutality, increased police militarization, no-knock raids resulting in property destruction and death of innocent citizens when they get the wrong addresses, civil asset forfeiture rules that police departments have incentives to exaggerate so they can sell assets to raise revenue. The actions that the police rationalize using the War on Drugs increasingly are the actions of a police state.
  • The War on Drugs has virtually eliminated the constitutional protection of individual rights against unreasonable search and seizure, and is seriously eroding judicial due process rights.
  • The War on Drugs has costly and socially corrosive blowback in other areas. If you think that the invasive actions of the TSA are solely related to the War on Terror, you haven’t been paying attention. When the TSA crows about its “successes” in airport security, they are often items of “contraband”. The War on Terror is in part a red herring for the War on Drugs, and the two combine to give law enforcement officials substantial discretion in the militarization, unreasonable search, etc. mentioned above.
  • The War on Drugs has destroyed the fabric of urban families and communities much more than drug use would, through the disproportionate incarceration of young African American men (see above point about how regulation increases the profits from the drug trade).
  • In addition to the immorality of the War on Drugs described above, as a matter of public policy it fails benefit-cost analysis. Jeffrey Miron estimates the net effect annually of reducing enforcement, legalization, and taxation of marijuana to be $15 billion — an increase in tax revenue of almost $7 billion and a reduction in enforcement costs of $8 billion. The net social savings from extending legalization to other drugs is even larger. Think about the other uses of those resources — revenue for deficit reduction, reallocation of law enforcement activity to some other area where it may actually have meaningful beneficial impacts (like, say, intelligence gathering, community development, cops walking the beat).
  • The beneficial budgetary effects and reduced social corrosion that Miron suggests have actually happened recently in Portugal, which has liberalized its drug trade and consumption, with net beneficial financial and social effect.
  • The hypocrisy of the War on Drugs is astounding, particularly the president’s recent heavy-handed opposition to legalization after his admission in 2004 that the War on Drugs is a failed policy. In the face of the fact that the health effects of alcohol are more negative than of marijuana and the fact that general social mores have moved so that more than half of the U.S. population believes that marijuana should be legal, this hypocrisy is downright absurd.

Nick Gillespie says it well in this reason.tv video:

We cannot afford the War on Drugs, either morally or economically. End this costly, ineffective, corrosive policy. Now.

 

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Zwolinski: “Is price gouging immoral? Should it be illegal?”

April 19, 2012

Michael Giberson

Five minutes of Matt Zwolinski on price gouging (from Learn Liberty).

If you think price gouging should be against the law, watch this video. Are you persuaded by Zwolinski? Let me know in the comments.

MORE: Zwolinski has written serious philosophical works on price gouging,which makes the clarity of his position in the video all the more surprising. :-)   See links to some of Zwolinski’s work on the topic in previous KP discussions here and here.

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Left, right, and climate change

March 27, 2012

Michael Giberson

In principle, there is nothing in the science of climate change that imposes a partisan political commitment. It isn’t as if, for example, you have to believe in steeply progressive tax rates in order to understand climate science. Yet there seems to be a partisan divide on the science. Three recent posts at Grist have ventured into this ground.

David Roberts wrote, “What ‘left’ and ‘right’ really mean on climate change (hint: nothing)“:

The left-right alignment on climate is completely scrambled, in part because the real battle, as we shall see, is not ideological. …

I’m not sure I would call carbon-pricing solutions right-wing, but I do think it’s fair to characterize them as conservative. Conservative economic thinking prefers a minimum of government intervention in the economy. Sending a carbon-pricing signal via a tax or cap is a minimalist intervention, as technology and industry agnostic as policy can be….

The odd thing that’s happened in climate circles in the last few decades is not just that the (generally liberal) environmental community has fervently championed “market-based” solutions like carbon pricing, but that the activist left in particular has adopted a carbon tax as its cri de coeur. … That doesn’t make any sense at all … both are basically conservative in their approach.

Nonetheless, that’s the odd situation we are in today: an intra-left battle between two conservative policy solutions. … It’s a mess. There really is no coherent left vs. right on climate, at least not in terms of economic ideology.

Roberts concludes:

In actual fact, there is no struggle between philosophies happening in U.S. climate politics, only a struggle among economic interests.

A few weeks after the Roberts piece, Grist ran an interview with author/activist Naomi Klein, and she had a directly opposing view:

(Klein:) [B]elief in climate change in the United States has plummeted. If you really drill into the polling data, what you see is that the drop in belief in climate change is really concentrated on the right of the political spectrum. It’s been an extraordinary and unusual shift in belief in a short time. … So I started researching the denial movement and going to conferences and reading the books, and what’s clear is that, on the right, climate change is seen as a threat to the right’s worldview, and to the neoliberal economic worldview. It’s seen as a Marxist plot. They accuse climate scientists of being watermelons — green on the outside and red on the inside.

Q. It seems exaggerated, but your piece was about how the right is in fact correct.

A. I don’t think climate change necessitates a social revolution. This idea is coming from the right-wing think tanks and not scientific organizations. They’re ideological organizations. Their core reason for being is to defend what they call free-market ideology….

You can set up carbon markets, consumer markets, and just pretend, but if you want to get serious about climate change, really serious, in line with the science, and you want to meet targets like 80 percent emissions cuts by midcentury in the developed world, then you need to be intervening strongly in the economy, and you can’t do it all with carbon markets and offsetting… The market is not going to step up to this challenge. We must do more… These climate deniers aren’t crazy — their worldview is under threat. If you take climate change seriously, you do have to throw out the free-market playbook.

Q. What is the political philosophy that underscores those who accept climate change versus those who deny it?

A. The Yale Cultural Cognition Project has looked at cultural worldview and climate change, and what’s clear is that ideology is the main factor in whether we believe in climate change. If you have an egalitarian and communitarian worldview, and you tend toward a belief system of pooling resources and helping the less advantaged, then you believe in climate change. And the stronger your belief system tends toward a hierarchical or individual worldview, the greater the chances are that you deny climate change and the stronger your denial will be.

Environmental economist Gernot Wagner responded with a piece saying Klein was only half right:

Naomi Klein’s interview in Grist this week is smart, insightful, and half right. Her assessment of the obstacles to solving climate change — from ideology to misplaced faith in green consumerism — are exactly right.  And she’s right that fixing this problem means changing how the world does business.

But Klein is wrong in her more serious assertion, first articulated in her “Capitalism vs. the Climate” article in The Nation, that we can save the planet only if we abandon capitalism:

Responding to climate change requires that we break every rule in the free-market playbook and that we do so with great urgency.

The deeper problem is not that our markets are too free; it’s that they are woefully rigged in favor of pollution. Which is also the main reason the Earth finds itself in peril.

The “rigging” in favor of pollution Wagner refers to is the economists’ familiar negative externalities, and the too-common absence of rules that require polluters to pay.

Wagner concludes, “My real argument with Klein is that in trying to escape capitalism, she is trying to evade human nature. [The debate is] not about a full-scale assault on human desires, capitalism, and free markets. … It’s about freeing markets, and in the process freeing all of us to do the right thing.”

I think Klein has a good point concerning the ideological divide over climate change. Crudely speaking, leftists are all to willing to accept scientific claims implying a bigger role for government in the economy, while rightists are all too willing to reject scientific claims implying a bigger role for government in the economy. (And note that the Yale study she cited isn’t about bashing conservatives – they find that leftists are too willing to dismiss scientific findings challenging their views on nuclear waste disposal.)

But I’d like to insert my plea here: climate change science ought not to be a political issue. And, as a complement to that position, climate scientists ought also to recognize the limits of their expertise. The science can and should inform the public policy making process, obviously, but nothing in temperature data, computer modeling and the study of climate/cloud-cover interactions, etc., implies any particular policy conclusion.

It might be true, as Klein says, that we must “throw out the free market playbook” in order to achieve an emission cut “in line with the science.” And if it is true, it may also be quite reasonable for an analyst to weigh the costs and benefits of such a shift, and choose markets. Fortunately, I think Wagner is more right. In my view, we don’t need a government-led assault on markets to address environmental issues, we need rules that support markets.

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Students: apply now for IHS summer seminars!

March 20, 2012

Lynne Kiesling

Over the weekend Mike praised the Institute for Humane Studies teaching workshop he attended last summer. I’ll add to that an IHS recommendation for students: attend as many IHS summer seminars as you can while you’re a student!

More than ten week-long seminars sponsored by the Institute for Humane Studies apply classical liberal ideas, such as individual rights and free markets, to topics in history, economics, journalism, policy, and more. From breakfast until the evening reception, you can debate and discuss the ideas of liberty with enthusiastic professors and peers from around the world. IHS covers all meal and program costs. Undergraduates, graduate students, and recent graduates are eligible to apply.

In my experience both as student and as instructor at IHS summer seminars, they are intellectually challenging and engaging, and will be thought-provoking in ways that go well beyond your academic courses. I’ve learned so much in economics, philosophy, political theory, and other areas, and have developed important and meaningful relationships that have enriched my life.

Explore and learn more about IHS summer seminars today. The application deadline for this summer is March 31, which is fast approaching.

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Economists and philosophers on value

March 20, 2012

Lynne Kiesling

Got two spare minutes and want to spend it enriching yourself? Then watch this great Learn Liberty video from Aeon Skoble. Aeon’s a philosopher who also reads a lot of economics, so he’s in a distinctive position to make this important point — both economists and philosophers use the word “value”, but we mean different things by it. For economists, value is subjective and arises from preferences, context, perceptions that individuals possess. For philosophers, value is objective values, like rights, that are part of our objective moral framework for living together as heterogeneous individual agents in civil society. Moreover, the two concepts are complementary; for individuals to be able to act on and satisfy their diverse individual preferences, they rely on living in a social system grounded in respect for individual rights. Aeon explains that distinction beautifully here.

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IHS’s great summer workshop for college teachers

March 16, 2012

Michael Giberson

Last summer I had a lot of fun at the too-short IHS Liberty and the Art of Teaching workshop. Well, I say “too short,” but the truth is that they packed so much information into 2 days that I couldn’t absorb it all.

I did absorb a few bits, though, as related in my reflection on what I gained from the teaching workshop, which has been posted at Kosmos Online. The workshop was a great production on IHS’s part, filled with teaching advice backed by years of successful practice (and in many cases, also backed by systematic study of student progress and retention).

As reported in my Kosmos post, I used what I learned at the workshop to reorganize my U.S. Energy Policy and Regulation course as well as (less successfully) to tweak my Energy Economics course. In addition, I’ve made several more minor adjustments in classroom practice, partly due to presentations at the IHS workshop and partly as a consequence of reading Teaching With Your Mouth Shut prior to this Spring semester.

I continue to be amazed at how willing universities are to push graduate students into the classroom with little actual guidance on successful teaching, at how often PhD programs will send their students out into the academic workforce with little training in this key job skill, and at how little supervision universities provide to newly-hired teachers fresh from the graduate programs that provided little training in teaching well. Teaching well can be hard work, yet often it is treated as so obvious as to be beneath serious concern. The IHS workshop helps fill the gap.

They are taken applications for the Summer 2012 workshop up until April 15, 2012.

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Students: A message from the elderly — join Students for Liberty!

February 29, 2012

Lynne Kiesling

A couple of weeks ago, a few friends and I had some fun making this promotional video for Students for Liberty:

If you are a student and want to get more involved in creating a future in which our civil liberties still exist, economic freedom prevails, and we interact with others through peaceful exchange, join Students for Liberty. SFL is one of the most important and valuable organizations today in creating community for those who support peaceful, responsible civil society and the ideas and principles undergirding such a society.

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