Archive for the ‘Professional sports’ Category

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Rejoice: another World Cup, another ball controversy

June 16, 2010

Michael Giberson

The World Cup is well underway, and with it another controversy over the new ball designed by Adidas for the tournament.  The Wikipedia page on the ball documents some of the complaints, as usual most of them from goalkeepers:

As with the Adidas Fevernova and Adidas Teamgeist at the two previous tournaments, the ball has received pre-tournament criticism, primarily from goalkeepers. Brazil goalkeeper Júlio César compared it to a “supermarket” ball that favored strikers and worked against goalkeepers. Other similar complaints came from Giampaolo Pazzini, Claudio Bravo and Iker Casillas. Italian keeper Gianluigi Buffon said, “it is very sad that a competition so important as the world championship will be played with such an inadequate ball.” whilst Brazilian striker Luís Fabiano called the ball “supernatural”, as it unpredictably changed direction when travelling through the air.

The TeamGeist ball developed for the 2006 tournament was similarly criticized, mostly by goalies.  As it turned out, though, average goals score per match in the 2006 World Cup were down slightly compared to most previous World Cups.

It may be too early in the tournament to jump to conclusions, but across the first 15 games just 24 goals have been scored.  That pace averages to 1.6 goals per game so far, compared to 2.3 during the 2006 tournament, 2.51 in 2002, and the current record low of 2.21 goals per game in the 1990 World Cup tournament.  Again, it may be too early, but it certainly suggests the ball is no nightmare for goalkeepers.

For another data point, the MLS has been using the ball all season with little effect on goal scoring.  (Well, my favored DC United has seen it’s average goals per match drop from last season’s 1.43 to this season’s embarrassing 0.83, but I don’t think the ball is at fault.)  So far this year the MLS has seen an average of 2.5376 goals per match (93 games played), almost exactly equal to last season’s average of 2.5378 goals per match (225 games played).

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The Ajax soccer talent factory

June 6, 2010

Michael Giberson

The New York Times Magazine has a feature article on the Ajax soccer development program – they recruit players as young as 7 years old and train them to 19 years if the player is good enough to be kept with the program. Like the development programs of other soccer teams, Ajax begun their program to identify, attract and train young players for the Ajax professional team, long one of the best in Europe. But with more money being made by top players in the English, Spanish, and Italian leagues, Ajax has shifted strategy a bit, aiming to send players to the best teams in the world. The payoff? Millions of dollars to Ajax from transfer fees.

Not every player becomes a star, perhaps just a few will. But as the article points out, the rewards for developing and selling the contract rights for just one superstar can keep the whole operation rolling for a while.

HT to Al Roth and the Market Design blog, who said, “shades of both Harry Potter and Ender’s Game.”

World Cup begins in 5 days.

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South Africa hotel price gouging study

April 5, 2010

Michael Giberson

International accounting firm Grant Thornton has surveyed 2,500 hotel and other properties in South Africa and concluded that about half of the properties will not be charging a premium rate during the upcoming World Cup.  In some cities, however, a majority of properties were raising rates, sometimes significantly. (Another summary: “Fifty three percent of Durban accommodation establishments were planning to charge more than 50 percent above their peak season rates for the World Cup, a survey into price gouging has found.  This is the second highest in the country after Gauteng with 65 percent, the survey commissioned by South African Tourism has revealed.”)

Tourism, hotel associations, and government officials in South Africa have put significant effort into trying to persuade property owners not to raise rates dramatically.  But demand will be extraordinarily high for a few weeks this summer and the supply available to meet that peak demand will be around for years.  It seems odd to encourage property owners not to adjust prices to reflect the extraordinary demands associated with World Cup.

At least in the South African case the anti-price gouging effort is rooted in persuasion rather than force.  Unlike, say, in several states of the United States, where the state government may impose potentially substantial fines, or in Venezuela or Sri Lanka, where government troops have conducted raids on businesses with prices violating government policy.

It also seems odd that this topic gets discussed under the category of “price gouging.”  Prototypically, price gouging involves sharp price increases on necessary goods during emergencies.  While hotels are frequently targets of price gouging allegations, typically it is when victims of a hurricane or other natural disaster find themselves charged higher-than-usual rates.

No emergency is driving consumers to seek housing in South Africa during the World Cup. Hundreds of millions of people worldwide will watch the World Cup on television, me parochially rooting for CONCACAF teams included. Maybe that explains why I’m not particularly concerned about the fans that are wealthy enough and committed enough to fly into South Africa for a few games. Whatever might be said about the benefits of restraining price increases, it this cases the potential “victims” are incurring the hazard.

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Tickets into the olympics

February 23, 2010

Michael Giberson

Ticket scalping, like price gouging, is a usually pro-social market activity that is stuck with a pejorative name.  At Swifter, Higher, sportswriter Kyle Whelliston writes about his experience picking up a cheap ticket into the first hockey game of the Vancouver Olympics.  It wasn’t as easy as he hoped, but at a cost of missing the first few minutes of action he was able to get a price he liked.

What surprised me in the article was how well organized the gray-market activity was. I wonder whether the Olympics would increase or decrease overall ticket revenue by facilitating an active secondary market (assuming a secondary market was legal in the host country).

(Via Freakonomics blog.)

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Beckham’s chances of playing for England in the World Cup…

December 6, 2009

Michael Giberson

…must be about zero after he used the words “soccer ball” when clearly he meant “football.”

See this video from South Africa ( highlighting the introduction of the new Adidas ball for World Cup 2010) at the 3:36 mark.  Too much time in the States?

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Football helmets and head injuries

November 18, 2009

Michael Giberson

Paul Walker at Anti-Dismal sees the economic content in the recent Wall Street Journal article on football, helmets, and head injuries.  Here’s a piece of the story:

Why do football players wear helmets in the first place? And more important, could the helmets be part of the problem?

“Some people have advocated for years to take the helmet off, take the face mask off. That’ll change the game dramatically,” says Fred Mueller, a University of North Carolina professor who studies head injuries. “Maybe that’s better than brain damage.”

The first hard-shell helmets, which became popular in the 1940s, weren’t designed to prevent concussions but to prevent players in that rough-and-tumble era from suffering catastrophic injuries like fractured skulls.

But while these helmets reduced the chances of death on the field, they also created a sense of invulnerability that encouraged players to collide more forcefully and more often. “Almost every single play, you’re going to get hit in the head,” says Miami Dolphins offensive tackle Jake Long.

So there is talk about giving up on helmets.

One of the strongest arguments for banning helmets comes from the Australian Football League. While it’s a similarly rough game, the AFL never added any of the body armor Americans wear. When comparing AFL research studies and official NFL injury reports, AFL players appear to get hurt more often on the whole with things like shoulder injuries and tweaked knees. But when it comes to head injuries, the helmeted NFL players are about 25% more likely to sustain one.

Andrew McIntosh, a researcher at Australia’s University of New South Wales who analyzed videotape, says there may be a greater prevalence of head injuries in the American game because the players hit each other with forces up to 100% greater. “If they didn’t have helmets on, they wouldn’t do that,” he says. “They know they’d injure themselves.”

The economics at issue is variously referred to as the Peltzman effect and the Tullock effect, namely, strategic adaptation to safety regulations or devices in ways in which offset some of the intended outcomes.  The safer the vehicle, the bigger the risks that drivers are willing to take.  Note that there may be negative externalities, as for pedestrians walking in the neighborhood of safer drivers taking bigger risks.

Or, to return to the football example provided above, the better the helmet, the harder the hits delivered.

Gordon Tullock’s proposal, illustrated in the title banner at the economics blog Offsetting Behavior, is placement of a large spike on each car’s steering wheel with the point aimed directly at the driver.  Sure, riskier for the driver, but much safer for everyone else.

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More post-season tournament design issues: MLS tiebreakers

October 27, 2009

Michael Giberson

For DC United fans, the MLS season is over.  While some fans contemplate coaching and roster changes, a few of us are still scratching our heads about the MLS tiebreaker rules and the complications presented by the final weekend of play (which had five teams angling for two remaining post-season positions. See here for an attempt to list them all, and an updated list.  See here for commentary.  Here a fan calls upon MLS to “stop the madness.”)

The combination of outcomes over the weekend put one of the five teams (New England, which improbably won its game) clearly over the others and one (Dallas, which lost its game) out of the running.  Three (Colorado, DC United, and Real Salt Lake) were tied for the final position and the tie breaker favored Real Salt Lake, which advanced to post-season play.

However, had New England lost, the situation gets interesting.  In this case, the tie breaking rules among Colorado, DC, and RSL would send Colorado and RSL into the playoffs.  However, if Dallas would have tied rather than lost its match, the tie breaking rules among Colorado, Dallas, DC, and RSL would have sent DC and RSL into the playoffs.

This interactive effect seems (at least to me) to violate an intuition about how these sorts of things should work.  Either DC was a better team than Colorado over the season or it was not, and whether Dallas won or lost against some another team in their final match should have little bearing on whether or not DC was better than Colorado during the season.

The intuition I’m talking about has been formalized in economic theory as the “independence of irrelevant alternatives” (IIA) principle. Formally:

If A is preferred to B out of the choice set {A,B}, then introducing a third alternative X, thus expanding the choice set to {A,B,X}, must not make B preferable to A.*

In this case: If Colorado is preferred to DC out of the set {Colorado, DC, RSL}, then introducing a fourth alternative Dallas, thus expanding the set to {Colorado, Dallas, DC, RSL}, should not make DC preferable to Colorado.  But the rules would have worked in just this way, had New England lost its final match.

Can this problem be fixed?  Why not the way that the professionals in Europe do it: first recourse in the event of a tie is to goal differential over the full season, then to total goals scored.

Sadly, such a rule would not have helped DC this season the way our defense gave up goals.  Is it too late to get Ryan Nelsen back at central defense?

*TECHNICAL NOTE: The formulation is stated in the simpler individual choice form, but the MLS tiebreaking rules may be seen more as a social choice mechanism.  Perhaps some form of Arrow’s impossibility theorem arises, meaning I’m unlikely to see a fully satisfying tiebreaking rule.  However, it does seem that goal differential avoids violating IIA.

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Post-season tournament design: Seeding issues

October 26, 2009

Michael Giberson

The NCAA post-season basketball tournament is seeded such that better teams are paired against weaker teams in the first round.  In fact, the highest seeded team is paired against the weakest team, the second highest seeded team against the next weakest team, and so on.  If the better seeded teams win each game, the pattern of highest seed against lowest remaining seed carries over into the second, third, and forth round.

However, as Robert Baumann, Victor Matheson, and Cara Howe of the College of the Holy Cross point out in a paper, “Anomalies in Tournament Design: The Madness of March Madness,” if a lower seeded team wins a game, then the pattern of matching the strongest team to the weakest will not hold in the NCAA b-ball tournament. For example, if in the first round #1 beats #16, #7 beats #10, and #8 beats #9, but #2 loses to #15, then the second round will feature #1 playing #8, but #7 playing #15. The first round upset by #15 in effect rewards #7 with a (purportedly) easier match than the #1 seeded team faces.

The result is an anomalous blip in the pattern of teams advancing from the second round to the third round:

While a number 10, 11, 12 seed has a lower chance of advancing to the second round than an 8 or 9 seed, their chances of advancing to the third round are much higher than those of 8 or 9 seeds. In fact, number 10 seeds have advanced to the third round, known as the sweet sixteen, 6 times as often as number 9 seeds and over twice as often as number 8 seeds.

Interesting, and those third round games are high profile “Sweet Sixteen” games.

This surprising result is easily explained by the lack of reseeding. First, while number 10 seeds are less likely to advance to the 2nd round than a number 8 or 9 seed, once they get there they will face a number 2 seed or perhaps even a number 15 seed in the event of a first-round upset. An 8 or 9 seed will almost certainly face a tougher 2nd round opponent since number 1 seeds are stronger than number 2 seeds and number 1 seeds are less likely to be upset in the first round. Similarly, number 11 and 12 seeds likely face weaker number 3 or number 4 seeds, respectively, in the second round and are far more likely to benefit from first round upsets than number 8 and 9 seeds. These advantages in the second round outweigh the disadvantages seeds 10 through 12 face in the first round of the competition.

They calculate that each tournament game win yields over $1 million in direct revenue from the NCAA to the schools athletic conference over six years, and observe there are other less tangible benefits, so the extra tournament games played by #10 seeds is significant.

The authors note that, in theory, reseeding the tournament at each round would eliminate the problem.  However, reseeding could require substantial shifts by teams between venues in between each round, which would significantly complicate the scheduling for teams and fans.  In addition, popular forms of gambling on the tournament are based on the fixed seeded approach.  The authors suggest the NCAA would be loathe to admit it, but also loathe to upset the role that March Madness plays in popular American culture.  As a result, they expect the anomalous success of #10 seeds to live on.

(HT to Daniel Houser at George Mason University.

Recall that GMU was a #11 seed the year they reached the Final Four.  They upset #6 Michigan State in the first round, so in the second round a #3 seed played a #11 seed, while the higher-seeded #2 faced a higher seeded #7.  As it turned out, both the #3 – North Carolina – and #2 Tennessee lost, and in the third round #11 GMU faced off against #7 Wichita State, while #1 Connecticut had to face #5 seeded Washington.)

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An illustration of comparative advantage from professional cycling

September 24, 2009

Lynne Kiesling

As a cyclist, it should come as no surprise that I follow professional cycling pretty closely, and have done for some time. As an economist, it’s a rich laboratory for seeing all kinds of different economic concepts and principles play out.

Today I found a good one in an interview with Dave Zabriskie of Team Garmin-Slipstream, who is currently the U.S. time trial champion and recently won the week-long Tour of Missouri stage race. One of the aspects of being a cyclist is being mechanical — some cyclists are all about knowing the ins and outs of taking their bikes apart and putting them back together, while others are just as happy to take it to the shop and let a professional mechanic handle it. Most of us  are somewhere in between, but leaning more toward letting the mechanics handle most of the bike work. The pro cyclists are not that different, as these comments from DZ illustrate:

schmalz Now are you the type of racer who doesn’t do any mechanical stuff; you don’t feel comfortable with that?

DZ [A hint of hesitation] I can do some of it.

schmalz What’s the toughest thing you can do? Can you do a bottom bracket?

DZ What’s there to do there?

schmalz Can you put one in, attach it to the cranks, and have it work?

DZ It’s got to sides to it. Well, the new ones are pretty easy. Yeah, I think I can do that.

schmalz I can’t do anything that goes through the frame. I don’t do headsets and bottom bracket stuff but I can do everything else. I can adjust cables, derailleurs.

DZ I’m at the point now where I just give it to them. I’m pretty close with some mechanics so I just hand it off to them and they dial it in real quick.

schmalz And you hve guys where you live and on the road you have team mechanics?

DZ Yeah.

schmalz So you’re not especially mechanical?

DZ Well, I keep it clean, lubed up. Air in the tires. I went through a stage where I tried to get into that stuff. I overhauled a headset and did some things but it’s just a lot easier and a more efficient use of my time to let someone else take care of it. [emphasis added]

Note how well he expresses the concept of comparative advantage — more efficient use of his time to train and ride his bike and rest than to work on his bike. It’s a really good illustration of comparative advantage. [As an aside, for teaching purposes: if the mechanic is a better mechanic and DZ is a better rider, then it's a situation of absolute advantage as well as comparative advantage, but suppose DZ is both a better rider and mechanic ... then it's a pure comparative advantage play. Good example for classroom discussion.]

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College football playoffs and other ideas Mike Leach likes

September 7, 2009

Michael Giberson

In the Wall Street Journal, an interview with Texas Tech University football coach Mike Leach:

WSJ: You want a 64-team playoff system. That seems crazy.

Mr. Leach: It’s only crazy if you are in Division I football. There’s nothing new about this playoff stuff. It would be like crediting me with inventing fire. I think 64 would be fun. You would cut the regular season back to 10. The champion is going to play 16 games. You would guarantee everybody 12 games for athletic budgets. Then, because it’s fun, and it would be exciting to watch people from across the country play each other, you’d pick your 64.

Then the arguments aren’t who won the national championship. The arguments are about whether the 77th team is better than the 61st team. The one thing that would be undisputable is who ever did win it had legitimately and justifiably earned it. It’s obviously workable. Any claims that its not workable because of this that and the other thing is ridiculous because they do it at every other level.

Also:

WSJ: Graduation rates as a tie-breaker?

Mr. Leach: Why wouldn’t it be? We talk about student-athletes and the rest. We have the highest graduation rate of any team in the top 25.

All in all, I found it about the most focused and coherent interview with the coach I’ve seen published.

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