Posts Tagged ‘antitrust’

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Another good response to the Obama administration’s mistaken antitrust policy

September 7, 2011

Michael Giberson

George Priest, professor of economics and law at Yale, clearly outlines the main errors of the Obama administration’s decision to oppose the AT&T/T-Mobile merger and cites relevant evidence backing the view:

It is very difficult at an abstract level to know what the effects of a merger or acquisition will be on competition within an industry. Firms may merge to create market power and increase prices, though they may also merge to create efficiencies that lower prices.

The Justice Department presumes that the acquisition of T-Mobile (the fourth largest wireless provider) by AT&T (the second largest) will lead to “higher prices . . . and lower quality products” based on the high market share that would result. But market share is a very rough proxy for market power and essentially meaningless in a network industry.

There are strong reasons to predict that AT&T’s acquisition will lower prices and improve product quality. First, there’s lots of competition in the wireless market. Prices have been declining progressively over time. There are many local market competitors with discount and pre-paid plans….

Second, the best evidence of the prospective effect of a proposed acquisition is the response of competitors that will face the combined firms. The chief competitor, Sprint, the third largest wireless company, has been lobbying to stop the merger from its first announcement.

If the acquisition would lead to increased prices and lower quality products as the Justice Department has claimed, Sprint would be better off after the acquisition… Sprint would oppose the acquisition—as it has—only if it thought that the merger would put it in a worse position by increasing the competitive pressures that it already faces.

The market—though not the Obama administration—understands this point. On the day that the Justice Department announced its opposition to the acquisition, Sprint’s share price rose 5.9%, reflecting investors’ belief that Sprint will be in a better competitive position without the acquisition.

The Obama administration also claimed blocking the merger would protect jobs; Priest nails the response:

The Obama administration’s emphasis on job maintenance is even more confused. The administration has argued that the acquisition should be opposed because mergers reduce employment by eliminating redundant jobs. But a sound economy is not built on redundant jobs. An economy becomes stronger as redundant jobs are eliminated, costs and prices reduced, and the effective wealth of the nation enhanced. A major reason that the Obama administration’s efforts to stimulate the economy have failed is that it has consistently poured money into negative-value investments.

[See also the Streetwise Professor on Priest's article.]

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Suderman on spectrum

September 1, 2011

Lynne Kiesling

As an addendum to my earlier post on the DOJ’s challenge of the AT&T/T-Mobile merger, Peter Suderman at Reason has an informative post (with good links@) making essentially the same point as mine. The more the merrier!

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Quality, broadband, and spectrum: What the DOJ’s AT&T/T-Mobile lawsuit misses

September 1, 2011

Lynne Kiesling

Yesterday’s announcement that the US DOJ would challenge the merger of AT&T’s wireless business with T-Mobile’s was surprising, and their approach to the merger seems to be more conventional and rooted in old HHI-market share and price effect metrics. Their analysis suggests that due to the substantial overlap in the existing separate AT&T and T-Mobile networks, the merger would lead to higher HHIs and larger market shares, and most national consumers would experience higher prices; therefore the merger would have anti-competitive effects.

The complaint has more depth than that (separate analysis for business markets and consumer markets, for example), but that seems to be the core of the argument. I think that argument misses a few important points in such a dynamic market.

The first important point is the quality dimension of the wireless service, and the costs associated with providing quality service(s). In this market some of the most important categories of quality are speed, signal strength, lack of latency, and lack of dropped calls. Providing such quality means building bandwidth and more dense network towers. In a lot of locations, building more towers is increasingly costly due to siting, zoning, permitting costs and lags. Building more bandwidth to add to existing capacity is also not cheap. Thus both AT&T and T-Mobile have been suffering in quality comparisons to their largest competitor, Verizon (I don’t know much about Sprint’s quality, or the smaller regional providers), and are looking at substantial investments and time lags to expand and improve their bandwidth capacity and other features that contribute to quality services. I’ve seen a couple of commentators point to the challenges both companies face as stand-alone competitors if they are going to upgrade their networks from 3G to compete with Verizon’s 4G LTE; in fact, Deutsche Telecom has been trying to sell T-Mobile for a while and has balked at the costs of these investments. In this cost environment, the lower-cost way to increase quality is likely to be the merger, which would allow the merged firm to combine their bandwidth and towers to get that capacity without additional siting, permitting, etc. Thus on a cost basis there’s room to argue that prices could fall for higher-quality (LTE) services, and there’s also room to argue that if prices do go up, it’s a reflection of the consumer demand for high-speed LTE service for their smartphones. It’s hard to capture that quality dimension, and how rapidly it can change in such a dynamic technological environment, when your definition of anti-competitive focuses primarily on the effect on prices. This is a very Schumpeterian point.

That point leads to the second point not to overlook: market definition. Every antitrust challenge of a merger is going to hinge in some way on market definition. If you define the market as national wireless telephony, then the merger would create essentially a duopoly with Sprint as a small third firm. But, as Geoff Manne points out, there are two dimensions on which that’s not the correct market definition — there are regional competitors, and there are other competitors in the broader market, the more relevant market, which is broadband:

Meanwhile, even on a national level, the blithe dismissal of a whole range of competitors is untenable.  MetroPCS, Cell South and many other companies have broad regional coverage (MetroPCS even has next-gen LTE service in something like 17 cities) and roaming agreements with each other and with the larger carriers that give them national coverage.  Why they should be excluded from consideration is baffling.  Moreover, Dish has just announced plans to build a national 4G network (take that, DOJ claim that entry is just impossible here!).  And perhaps most important the real competition here is not for mobile telephone service.  The merger is about broadband.  Mobile is one way of getting broadband.  So is cable and DSL and WiMax, etc.  That market includes such insignificant competitors as Time Warner, Comcast and Cox.  Calling this a 4 to 3 merger strains credulity, particularly under the new merger guidelines.

Yes, particularly the point about how this merger, and the broader evolution of the industry, is about broadband. The distinctions among wireless telephony, satellite, and cable are diminishing as we see convergence across the communications platforms. This is another Schumpeterian point.

Which leads to the final point that cannot be overlooked in analyzing this merger and the DOJ’s challenge of it. It’s about broadband, and thus in large part given the wireless companies involved, that means it’s about spectrum. As I argued in one of the first Knowledge Problem posts back in 2002, federal spectrum policy of the past 75 years has led to distortion, delay, rent-seeking, and political manipulation by incumbent rights holders.

Because of the politics of spectrum rights and the lack of private spectrum ownership, resources might not get to move to higher-valued uses. The FCC is not going to be as impartial a rights arbiter as the combination of well-defined spectrum ownership and a court system using the rule of law. The absence of spectrum privatization may slow or deter potentially beneficial technological change, and leaves in place a political process more prone to financial and other manipulation than one based on markets and law.

If we had alienable spectrum property rights, as Ronald Coase laid out in his spectacular 1959 article on the FCC and spectrum policy, then it’s highly likely that AT&T and T-Mobile would have alternative investment opportunities to gain more spectrum to increase their wireless broadband capacity in their stand-alone networks. Failing that, as a consequence of our turgid spectrum policy, their most attractive feasible alternative for acquiring more spectrum rights is to merge. Do not overlook the effects of poor spectrum policy on the business models of these companies. This is a Coasian point. And, to make a related Doug North point, institutions matter. I made this point initially in March when the merger was first announced.

Being an optimist, let me invoke Jerry Ellig’s point about the DOJ challenge:

For once, the high-profile action everyone pays attention to will occur in an antitrust forum where the decision criterion is the effects of the merger on consumer welfare, period. Regardless of what one thinks about the merger, it’s nice to see that we’ll finally have a knock-down, drag-out fight based on whether a big telecommunications merger harms consumers and competition.  That’s the antitrust standard the Department of Justice has to satisfy in order to prevent the merger.

And to do that it’s going to have to engage these spectrum policy issues, which it has thus far not done.

I am far from expert on all of these issues, so for more I commend to your attention this post from Josh Wright on how the DOJ challenge affected Sprint’s share price yesterday, in addition to Geoff’s post above. Our friends at Truth on the Market and The Technology Liberation Front will be worth reading regularly as this unfolds.

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Regulatory inertia, antitrust edition

April 18, 2011

Lynne Kiesling

This article in the Wall Street Journal last week got less attention than I expected (perhaps because of budget, Libya, etc. news). It’s a very good analysis of bureaucrat v. bureaucrat competition between the DOJ and the FTC on which agency will take the lead in prosecuting antitrust cases:

Both agencies are charged with enforcing antitrust law, a situation that has prevailed for almost a century, and it’s up to them to sort out disputes. Neither will disclose how often they occur, but antitrust lawyers and agency officials say they have been rising in number and intensity, in part because converging industries—especially in the realm of technology—have blurred the agencies’ traditional lines of responsibility. …

Some methods used to resolve agency disputes belie the stakes involved. In addition to the most recent coin toss—which several people familiar with the matter said the Justice Department won—the agencies have employed the “possession arrow” system borrowed from college basketball, in which they take turns. That prevents either agency from claiming jurisdiction over a company or industry sector in the future. …

The two agencies have different legal procedures for challenging business deals or practices they believe to be anticompetitive. The Justice Department must work through the federal court system and face judges who are often skeptical of antitrust law. The FTC, by contrast, tries cases in its own administrative law system. This, many lawyers believe, provides a significant home-court advantage.

I’ve always classified the FTC’s jurisdiction as being more focused on mergers in consumer retail products and industries.

The article goes on to describe the real costs that this jurisdictional squabbling creates for firms, adding time and expense to an already long and expensive merger process. It concludes with observations from FTC commissioner and former FTC chair William Kovacic, who argues that it’s time to revamp the structure of the federal government’s antitrust prosecution.

I think there’s a crucially important, more general, broader insight to draw from this story: the inevitability of regulatory inertia relative to the underlying dynamism and change in the economy. Note in the quote above what is cited as an impetus for this conflict: “… converging industries—especially in the realm of technology—have blurred the agencies’ traditional lines of responsibility.”

By its nature regulation (including antitrust enforcement) relies on establishing definitions, guidelines, limits on behavior (of an agency as well as of firms), and legalistic, administrative procedures for carrying them out. In the case of antitrust and the split jurisdiction between the DOJ and the FTC, these strictures also include stipulations of who will concentrate on which industries. One of the hallmarks of economic and technological dynamism is the Schumpeterian creative destruction of industry boundaries — whole new industries exist that could not have been imagined a century ago, in the heyday of establishing regulatory agencies.

Why are regulatory agencies slow to adapt to such organic, evolutionary changes in technology and the economy? Here I think Schumpeter meets Buchanan and Tullock — once established, those working in agencies have an interest in maintaining the status quo jurisdiction and budget of the agency, despite any apparent mismatch of its functions with changes in the underlying economy. Changes in regulation require changes in legal procedures, and may even require changes in enabling legislation, adding yet another layer of inertia to the process. In addition, I think that legal procedures intended to increase agency transparency and accountability, such as the Administrative Procedure Act, exacerbate the legalistic bureaucracy of regulation and reinforce the slow pace of regulatory adaptation to underlying dynamic change.

One unfortunate consequence of such regulatory inertia is the potential for reduced welfare/total surplus, through both reduced consumer surplus and producer surplus. Such regulatory agencies were established primarily to protect consumer surplus, but one consequence of technological change has been how it enhances consumers’ abilities to investigate and protect their own interests, as personally and subjectively defined rather than as bureaucratically defined (which is usually defined as lower prices). But regulatory institutions adapt slowly to such change, as this example illustrates, to the detriment of total welfare.

This observation extends to other forms of regulation, including state-level public utility regulation. One of the things I find most paradoxical in the current approach to smart grid investment is how the technology adoption decision has been incorporated into the regulatory process, which the above analysis suggests is counter-productive.

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Another court dismisses price fixing, price gouging claims against Martha’s Vineyard gasoline retailers

February 28, 2011

Michael Giberson

The Martha’s Vineyard Times:

A panel of judges sitting in the federal First Circuit Court of Appeals has upheld a lower court ruling that gasoline prices on Martha’s Vineyard have not been illegally inflated by a conspiracy among retailers, according to a report by “The Docket,” the news blog of Massachusetts Lawyers Weekly. The decision was entered a week ago.

Plaintiffs had complained that four of the Vineyard’s nine gas stations entered into a price-fixing conspiracy and engaged in price gouging in the aftermath of hurricanes Katrina and Rita in 2005.

Chief Judge Sandra Lynch, writing for Judges Bruce M. Selya and Jeffrey R. Howard, held that the defendant gasoline retailers did nothing that violated either the Sherman Antitrust Act or a price-gouging regulation promulgated under the Massachusetts consumer protection statute.

(Link to the decision in William White, et al. v. R. M. Packer Co., et al. by the U.S. Court of Appeals, First District.)

The ruling upholds the decision made a year ago in U.S. District Court. On the price fixing claim, both courts concluded that the plaintiffs’ evidence only suggested the existence of parallel pricing and didn’t show direct evidence of price fixing. The law doesn’t insist firms in the same market compete heavily on price, just that they don’t conspire to restrain trade. On the price gouging claim, the district court found that the price changes observed were “consistent with the normal operation of the market.” The appeals court said plaintiffs “have not shown a ‘gross disparity’ in prices under the state price-gouging rule.”

A year ago I commented:

My general reaction from reading parts of Gollop’s testimony [for the plaintiff] was that it was very basic industrial organization analysis – all comparative price movements and changing margins – and neglected completely the extensive economics literature on retail gasoline pricing. The law likely makes no special distinction for gasoline pricing cases, so the analysis wouldn’t have to address what is known about gasoline prices, but neglecting the literature may have led plaintiff’s to mistake common retail gasoline price patterns as evidence of price fixing.

Indeed the courts made no special use of gasoline pricing literature. But plaintiffs pursued the appeal in a way that attempted to take advantage of the relatively normal phenomena of asymmetric price adjustment in retail gasoline markets. In short, the plaintiffs wanted the court to find retailers were price gouging because they failed to reduce retail prices as fast as wholesale prices were falling. The court didn’t buy it.

Typically in retail gasoline, profit margins are higher when prices are falling and lower when prices are rising. Plaintiffs charged that price gouging took place over a period beginning with Hurricane Katrina and ending three months later on December 1, 2005. Generally speaking: prices rose sharply with Katrina, began dropping, rose again around Hurricane Rita, then fell for the next several weeks. The significant times with high gross margins were, not surprisingly, periods of falling prices.

Both courts struggled a bit with the definition of price gouging, finding little direct guidance in Massachusetts law. But one thing the courts saw pretty clearly: price gouging laws are about unconscionably high prices, and prices can’t become unconscionably high when they are falling. Price gouging law does not require retailers to pass along falling wholesale prices.

NOTE: See my post of last year for links to both the plaintiffs and defendants expert testimony.

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Another comment on United States v. Keyspan Corporation

February 28, 2011

Michael Giberson

“By the Justice Department’s calculations, Keyspan’s anti-competitive actions resulted in it receiving almost $49 million. The settlement submitted by the Justice Department would let Keyspan keep $37 million from its anti-competitive actions. Netting $37 million for anti-competitive conduct is not a penalty, it is not a deterrent, it is a reward.”

“Anything short of a $49 million fine will not deter the next power trader who thinks up another new way around market rules,” he added.

That’s me, quoted in a U.S. Law Week article about United States v. Keyspan: “DOJ Wins Sherman Act Disgorgement, Appears to Loosen Policy Against Remedy.” (Subscription required.)

The article also quotes Harvard Law professor Einer Elhauge, who has written about disgorgement as an antitrust remedy.

Earlier at Knowledge Problem: United States v. KeySpan Corporation antitrust case settles for paltry $12 million.

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Publishers and ebooks: innovation, DRM, and resale price maintenance

January 31, 2010

Lynne Kiesling

I hope all of you economists out there are following the current brouhaha between Amazon and the publisher Macmillan, because the number of fascinating economics issues is stunning. In brief, Macmillan is one of the publishers working with Apple on the iPad and Apple’s ebook store. At the same time (I remain agnostic on any causal association), Macmillan proposed to Amazon a shift in pricing and ebook availability to a so-called “agency” model, which involves dynamic pricing over time as the book’s release date recedes (starting at a higher price on release); they also said that if Amazon did not agree to such agency pricing and wished to leave the retail ebook price at $9.99, then Macmillan would start “windowing” their ebook releases, and would allow Amazon to issue ebooks only 7 months after the hardcover release. As described by Engadget,

Macmillan claims that its new model is meant to keep retailers, publishers, and authors profitable in the emerging electronic frontier while encouraging competition amongst new devices and new stores. It gives retailers a 30% commission and sets the price for each book individually: digital editions of most adult trade books will be priced from $5.99 to $14.99 while first releases will “almost always” hit the electronic shelves day on date with the physical hardcover release and be priced between $12.99 and $14.99 — pricing that will be dynamic over time.

Then, on Friday Amazon removed all of Macmillan’s ebook and print book products from their site, leading to a host of reactions, including this selection:

Then on Sunday, after Macmillan’s CEO issued a statement about their proposed change in terms with Amazon, lots of authors complained to Amazon, and many blog and web site editors de-linked Amazon from their sites and thus reducing traffic to Amazon. As of Sunday evening, Macmillan’s products were again available at Amazon, and Amazon had published a carefully-worded apology.

Accusations of bullying and the exercise of market power are flying against both parties: Amazon has market power as a leading book retailer, and they are bullying Macmillan by removing their print products to keep retail ebook prices low and sell more Kindles! Macmillan has, as the Amazon “apology” puts it, a “monopoly over their own titles”, and thus we have to capitulate to their bullying! Macmillan is trying to tell Amazon the retail price at which to sell their products, abominable!

This last accusation hints at one of the two particularly interesting economics topics involved in this episode — consumer welfare and resale price maintenance. I do think that this situation will raise some interest in and attention to the competitive or anti-competitive RPM implications of Macmillan’s proposal and Amazon’s response. First, is it really the case that Macmillan is trying to set Amazon’s (or Apple’s, for that matter) retail prices for their products? Second, would Macmillan’s proposed agency model and dynamic pricing benefit consumers or not? As it happens, there has been something of a revival of interest in resale price maintenance in the antitrust literature since 2007, when a longstanding precedent in the area was revised to more of a “rule of reason” approach. Here are some recommended readings on RPM to get you thinking about this:

The second important economic issue is digital rights management and how both Amazon and Apple restrict the use rights of their ebook customers. That will have to wait for another post.

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Teece and Sidak on dynamic competition

October 27, 2009

Lynne Kiesling

Over at Truth on the Market, Josh Wright has organized a forum for discussing whether or not the U.S. federal merger guidelines used by the DOJ and FTC need to be revised, to accompany the public comment process on the question that the agencies have initiated. The commenters are all heavy hitters in antitrust, and so far the remarks have been insightful and thought-provoking. I particularly appreciated the contribution from David Teece and Gregory Sidak on dynamic competition, which included this observation:

Put succinctly, competition policy rooted in static economic analysis sees the policy goal as minimizing the Harberger (deadweight loss) triangles from monopoly. A new competition policy, recognizing the special power of dynamic competition, would advance the availability of new products and the co-creation of new markets that allows latent demand (and hence new amounts of consumer surplus associated with new demand curves) to be realized by consumers. It would also recognize cost savings flowing from innovation as an indicator of likely future consumer welfare gains. Put differently, the focus of a revised competition policy and merger-guideline framework would still very much be on the consumer, but it would be future-oriented and would recognize that certain business practices might lead to market creation (or at least co-creation) that would yield new demand curves with large gains in consumer surplus (because demand for new products could be satisfied). The minimization of Harberger deadweight loss triangles would be a secondary focus. Where minimizing Harberger triangles today stands in the way of creating new and significant future demand curves, a new competition policy would likely favor the future and recognize the welfare benefits associated with creating or co-creating new markets.

Note how relevant this point is to regulatory policy. I could do a global search-and-replace for “competition policy” with “regulatory policy” in the above excerpt, and it would almost entirely represent my thinking on the incorrectly static nature of regulatory policy in electricity.

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